The paradigm-based model of morphosyntax

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Abstract

A particular set of Slavic auxiliary-participle constructions (based on the ‘l-participle’) exhibit a number of characteristic ‘deviations from agglutination’ of a type commonly found in inflectional morphology, such as cumulation, extended exponence and zero exponence. The participle itself cannot be given a unitary meaning. I present an analysis of these constructions within the paradigm-based approach of Ackerman and Webelhuth (1998), in which the principles of inferential–realisational (Stump 2001) or ‘word-and-paradigm’ models (Robins 1959) are applied to multiword combinations which realise functional categories.

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