• 1
    For interpretations of Henry VII's motivations for a marriage alliance with the king of Scots, see, e.g., J. Wormald, ‘Thorns in the flesh: English kings and uncooperative Scottish rulers, 1460–1549’, in Authority and Consent in Tudor England: Essays Presented to C. S. L. Davies, ed. G. W. Bernard and S. J. Gunn (Aldershot, 2002), pp. 6178; N. Macdougall, James IV (East Linton, 1997), pp. 248ff.
  • 2
    On the extensive network of Scottish marriages into European houses, see, e.g., F. Downie, She is But a Woman: Queenship in Scotland, 1424–63 (Edinburgh, 2006); F. Downie, ‘“La voie quelle menace tenir”: Annabella Stewart, Scotland, and the European marriage market, 1444–56’, Scottish Hist. Rev., lxxviii (1999), 170191; F. Downie, ‘And they lived happily ever after? Medieval queenship and marriage in Scotland, 1424–49’, in Gendering Scottish History: an International Approach, ed. T. Brotherstone , D. Simonton and O. Walsh (Glasgow, 1999), pp. 129141.
  • 3
    Scholars have tended to argue that James IV was much more focused on Europe and had no interest in his position in relation to the English throne (see, e.g., Macdougall, James IV, pp. 250251; J. Wormald, ‘Politics and government of Scotland’, in A Companion to Tudor Britain, ed. R. Tittler and N. L. Jones (Oxford, 2004), pp. 151166, at p. 153). In light of the arguments forwarded here, this author would propose that this was not the case.
  • 4
    For more on Flodden and contemporary criticisms of the role of chivalry in the battle, see N. Gutierrez and M. Erler, ‘Print into manuscript: a Flodden Field news pamplet (B.L. Additional MS 29506)’, in Studies in Medieval and Renaissance History VIII, ed. J. A. S. Evans and R. W. Unger (New York, 2006), pp. 187230; J. Scattergood, ‘A defining moment: the battle of Flodden and English poetry’, in Vernacular Literature and Current Affairs in the Early 16th Century: France, England and Scotland, ed. J. Britnell and R. Britnell (Aldershot, 2000), 6279; Macdougall, James IV, ch. 11; K. Stevenson and G. Pentland, ‘The battle of Flodden and its commemoration, 1513–2013’, in England and Scotland at War, c.1296–c.1513, ed. A. King and D. Simpkin (Leiden, 2012), pp. 355380.
  • 5
    For the most recent assessments of Henry VII's character, concerns and ambitions, see the special edition of Historical Research in Aug. 2009 devoted to the 500th anniversary of his death, esp. S. J. Gunn, ‘Politic history, new monarchy and state formation: Henry VII in European perspectives’, Hist. Research, lxxxii (2009), 380392; D. Grummit, ‘Household, politics and political morality in the reign of Henry VII’, Hist. Research, lxxxii (2009), 393411; M. R. Horowitz, ‘Policy and prosecution in the reign of Henry VII’, Hist. Research, lxxxii (2009), 412458; S. Cunningham, ‘Loyalty and the usurper: recognizances, the council and allegiance under Henry VII’, Hist. Research, lxxxii (2009), 459481. See also the recent works S. Cunningham, Henry VII (2007); D. Grummitt, Henry VII, 1457–1509, the First Tudor King: Monarchy at the End of the Middle Ages (Oxford, 2009).
  • 6
    For more on Perkin Warbeck and James IV, see D. Dunlop, ‘The “masked comedian”: Perkin Warbeck's adventures in Scotland and England from 1495 to 1497’, Scottish Hist. Rev., lxx (1991), 97128; I. Arthurson, ‘The king's voyage into Scotland: the war that never was’, in England in the 15th Century: Proceedings of the 1986 Harlaxton Symposium, ed. D. Williams (Woodbridge, 1987); Macdougall, James IV, pp. 117138.
  • 7
    Cunningham, Henry VII, ch. 4; S. J. Gunn, ‘Henry VIII's foreign policy and the Tudor cult of chivalry’, in François 1er et Henri VIII: deux princes de la Renaissance (1515−47), ed. C. Giry-Deloison (Lille, 1996), pp. 2536, at p. 27; J. M. Currin, ‘England's international relations 1485–1509: continuities amidst change’, in Tudor England and its Neighbours, ed. S. Doran and G. Richardson (Basingstoke, 2005), pp. 2931.
  • 8
    The Reign of Henry VII from Contemporary Sources, i: Narrative Extracts, ed. A. F. Pollard (1913), no. 101, pp. 137143.
  • 9
    D. M. Head, ‘Henry VIII's Scottish policy: a reassessment’, Scottish Hist. Rev., lxi (1982), 124, esp. p. 3.
  • 10
    British Library, Cotton MS. Caligula D. VI fos. 26r–27r, for the instructions to Richmond King of Arms c.1496. Currin, p. 36; A. Conway, Henry VII's Relations with Scotland and Ireland, 1485–98 (Cambridge, 1932), pp. 8283, 200; Macdougall, James IV, p. 126.
  • 11
    See, e.g., Arthurson, ‘The king's voyage into Scotland’, p. 4; Arthurson, ‘1497 and the western rising’ (unpublished Keele University Ph.D. thesis, 1982), pp. 3558; Dunlop, ‘The “masked comedian”’, p. 116.
  • 12
    See K. Stevenson, Chivalry and Knighthood in Scotland, 1424–1513 (Woodbridge, 2006), p. 84.
  • 13
    D. Dunlop, ‘The politics of peace-keeping: Anglo-Scottish relations from 1503 to 1511’, Renaissance Studies, viii (1994), 138161, at p. 152; Dunlop, ‘The “masked comedian”’, pp. 126127.
  • 14
    Grummitt, Henry VII, p. 16; Cunningham, Henry VII, p. 101.
  • 15
    Stevenson, Chivalry and Knighthood in Scotland, pp. 9192.
  • 16
    John Younge, Somerset Herald, ‘The Fyancells of Margaret, Eldest Daughter of King Henry VIIth to James King of Scotland: Together with her Departure from England, Journey into Scoland, her Reception and Marriage There, and the Great Feasts Held on that Account’, in Joannis Leland Antiquarii de Rebus Britannicis Collectanea, ed. Thomas Hearne (1770), p. 288.
  • 17
    Younge, p. 298; J. G. Dunbar, Scottish Royal Palaces: the Architecture of the Royal Residences during the Late Medieval and Early Renaissance Periods (East Linton, 1999), pp. 5661.
  • 18
    A grand tournament was held to mark Arthur's marriage to Katherine. For more, see College of Arms, MS. 1st M. 13, MS. M. 3 fo. 25b; Chronicle of London from 1089 to 1483, ed. E. Tyrell and N. H. Nicolas (1827), pp. 312315; S. Anglo, The Great Tournament Roll of Westminster: a Collotype Reproduction of the Manuscript (Oxford, 1968), pp. 3440.
  • 19
    D. Grummitt, ‘The establishment of the Tudor dynasty’, in A Companion of Tudor Britain, ed. R. Tittler and N. L. Jones (Oxford, 2004), p. 17. See also S. J. Gunn and L. Monckton, ‘Arthur Tudor, the forgotten prince’, in Arthur Tudor, Prince of Wales: Life, Death and Commemoration, ed. S. J. Gunn and L. Monckton (Woodbridge, 2009), pp. 16, at p. 1; K. Staniland, ‘Royal entry into the world’, in England in the 15th Century: Proceedings of the 1986 Harlaxton Symposium, ed. D. Williams (Woodbridge, 1987), pp. 237313.
  • 20
    J. Wood, ‘Where does Britain end? The reception of Geoffrey of Monmouth in Scotland and Wales’, in The Scots and Medieval Arthurian Legend, ed. R. Purdie and N. Royan (Woodbridge, 2005), pp. 9−24, at pp. 20–1. For more on Henry VII's claims to British descent, see S. Anglo, ‘The “British history” in early Tudor propaganda, with an appendix of manuscript pedigrees of the kings of England, Henry VI to Henry VIII’, Bull. John Rylands Libr., xliv (1961–2), 1748.
  • 21
    Cunningham, Henry VII, p. 108; K. Sharpe, Selling the Tudor Monarchy: Authority and Image in 16th-Century England (New Haven and London, 2009), pp. 6667.
  • 22
    D. Gray, ‘The royal entry in 16th-century Scotland’, in The Rose and the Thistle: Essays on the Culture of Late Medieval and Renaissance Scotland, ed. S. Mapstone and J. Wood (East Linton, 1998), pp. 1037, at p. 23.
  • 23
    For more on James's visits to Whithorn, see J. Higgit, ‘From Bede to Rabelais – or how St Ninian got his chain’, in New Offerings, Ancient Treasures: Studies in Medieval Art for George Henderson, ed. P. Binski and W. Noel (Stroud, 2001), pp. 189190.
  • 24
    Stevenson, Chivalry and Knighthood in Scotland, pp. 9497.
  • 25
    The Letters of James the Fourth, 1050–1513, ed. R. L. Mackie (Edinburgh, 1953), no. 171; Dunlop, ‘The politics of peace-keeping’, p. 149.
  • 26
    See, e.g., Macdougall, James IV, pp. 258, 295.
  • 27
    For scholars who have recognized this, see, e.g., N. Royan, ‘“Na les vailyeant than ony uthir princis of Britane”’: representations of Arthur in Scotland 1480–1540’, Scottish Studies Rev., iii (2002), 920; R. A. Mason, ‘Scotland, Elizabethan England and the idea of Britain’, Trans. Royal Hist. Soc., xiv (2004), 279293, at p. 282, n. 10; R. A. Mason, ‘Renaissance monarchy? Stewart kingship (1469–1542)’, in Scottish Kingship, 1306–1542: Essays in Honour of Norman Macdougall, ed. M. Brown and R. Tanner (Edinburgh, 2008), pp. 255278, at pp. 269–70; R. Nicholson, Scotland: the Later Middle Ages (Edinburgh, 1974), p. 595; L. O. Fradenburg, City, Marriage, Tournament: Arts of Rule in Late Medieval Scotland (Madison, Wis., 1991), pp. 94, 155.
  • 28
    Wood, pp. 910; Royan, ‘“Na les vailyeant than ony uthir princis of Britane”’; K. H. Göller, ‘King Arthur in the Scottish chronicles’, in King Arthur: a Casebook, ed. E. D. Kennedy (New York and London, 1996), pp. 390404; D. Cavanagh, ‘Uncivil monarchy: Scotland, England and the reputation of James IV’, in Early Modern Civil Discourses, ed. J. Richards (Basingstoke, 2003), pp. 146161, at p. 148.
  • 29
    Dunlop, ‘The politics of peace-keeping’, p. 161.
  • 30
    The Chronicle of Walter Guisborough, ed. H. Rothwell (1957), p. 281.
  • 31
    G. W. S. Barrow, ‘The removal of the stone and attempts at recovery, to 1328’, in The Stone of Destiny: Artefact and Icon, ed. R. Welander , D. J. Breeze and T. O. Clancy (Edinburgh, 2003), pp. 199206, at p. 201; P. Binski, ‘A “sign of victory”: the coronation chair, its manufacture, setting and symbolism’, in Welander, Breeze and Clancy, pp. 207222.
  • 32
    Macdougall, James IV, p. 262; Gunn, ‘Henry VIII's foreign policy’, p. 33.
  • 33
    For more on Scottish chroniclers' and historians' accounts of James IV and his demise, see Macdougall, James IV, ch. 11.
  • 34
    Gunn, ‘Henry VIII's foreign policy’, p. 31; Grummit, ‘Household, politics and political morality’, p. 398.
  • 35
    Cunningham, Henry VII, p. 101; J. Vale, ‘Arthur in English society’, in The Arthur of the English: the Arthurian Legend in Medieval English Life and Literature, ed. W. R. J. Barron (Cardiff, 2001), pp. 185196, at p. 195.
  • 36
    Sydney Anglo's work on Henry VII's use of the historic past, especially the Brut and Arthur, argues that the use of Arthur by the early Tudors has been overplayed by scholars, and chivalry and Arthurianism were not significant to Henry's propaganda. More recently, David Starkey and others have ‘rescued the Arthurian tradition from the sidelines … to place it once more at the centre of early Tudor polity’ (D. Starkey, ‘King Henry and King Arthur’, in Arthurian Literature XVI, ed. J. P. Carley and F. Riddy (Woodbridge, 1998), pp. 171196, at p. 174; Anglo, ‘The “British history”’). In support of Arthurianism playing a role in Henry VII's politics, see also C. Dean, Arthur of England: English Attitudes to King Arthur and the Knights of the Round Table in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance (Toronto, 1987), p. 26; A. R. Young, ‘Tudor Arthurianism and the earl of Cumberland's tournament pageants’, Dalhousie Rev., lxvii (1987), 176189, at p. 178; R. A. Griffiths and R. S. Thomas, The Making of the Tudor Dynasty (Stroud, 2005), pp. 193198.
  • 37
    It should be noted that the Nine Worthies were also popular in Scotland, as well as throughout western Europe. On the Nine Worthies in Scotland, see Stevenson, Chivalry and Knighthood in Scotland, pp. 134135, 161; R. Purdie and K. Stevenson, ‘Chivalry’, in The Edinburgh Companion to Scottish Literature, 1400–1650, ed. N. Royan (Edinburgh, 2013); M. Bath, Renaissance Decorative Painting in Scotland (Edinburgh, 2003), pp. 2122, 152–5, 185–90. W. Kuskin, ‘Caxton's Worthies series: the production of literary culture’, English Literary Hist., lxvi (1999), 511551, at p. 512.
  • 38
    J. P. Carley, ‘Arthur in English history’, in Barron, pp. 4757, at p. 50.
  • 39
    Henry VII was familiar with Caxton's Malory and used it with authority (see Starkey, pp. 173, 180–1).
  • 40
    Young, p. 177; S. Anglo, Images of Tudor Kingship (1992), pp. 4951; Starkey, p. 174. For more on the Round Table at Winchester, see King Arthur's Round Table: an Archaeological Investigation, ed. M. Biddle (Woodbridge, 2000).
  • 41
    Gunn and Monckton, p. 1; Young, p. 177; Anglo, Images of Tudor Kingship, p. 51.
  • 42
    Young, pp. 177178; S. Anglo, Spectacle, Pageantry, and Early Tudor Policy (Oxford, 1997), p. 51; Dean, p. 27; Griffiths and Thomas, p. 214; Anglo, ‘The “British history”’, p. 19.
  • 43
    Dean, pp. 26, 186, n. 5.
  • 44
    Carley, pp. 50, 52. See also P. Roberts, ‘Tudor Wales, national identity and the British inheritance’, in British Consciousness and Identity: the Making of Britain, 1533–1707, ed. B. Bradshaw and P. Roberts (Cambridge, 1998), pp. 842; R. Mason, Kingship and the Commonweal: Political Thought in Renaissance and Reformation Scotland (East Linton, 1998), pp. 246247.
  • 45
    R. A. Mason, ‘“Scotching the Brut”: the early history of Britain’, in Scotland Revisited, ed. J. Wormald (1991), pp. 4960, at p. 51; R. A. Mason, ‘Scotching the Brut: politics, history and national myth in 16th-century Britain’, in Scotland and England, 1286–1815, ed. R. A. Mason (Edinburgh, 1987), pp. 5974, at pp. 62–3. See also the discussion of this problem in Scottish narrative sources in N. Royan, ‘The fine art of faint praise in older Scots historiography’, in The Scots and Medieval Arthurian Legend, ed. R. Purdie and N. Royan (Woodbridge, 2005), pp. 4354.
  • 46
    R. S. Loomis, ‘From Segontium to Sinadon – the legends of a Cité Gaste’, Speculum, xxii (1947), 521545, at pp. 527–9; S. Boardman, ‘Late medieval Scotland and the matter of Britain’, in Scottish History: the Power of the Past, ed. E. J. Cowan and R. J. Finlay (Edinburgh, 2002), pp. 4772, esp. pp. 55–6. For more on Arthur and Scotland, see R. Purdie and N. Royan, ‘Introduction: tartan Arthur?’, in Purdie and Royan , Scots in Medieval Arthurian Legend, pp. 18.
  • 47
    Béroul, The Romance of Tristan, ed. A. S. Fedrick (Harmondsworth, 1970), p. 123; The Continuations of the Old French ‘Perceval’ of Chrétien de Troyes, ed. W. Roach (3 vols., Philadelphia, Pa., 19491983).
  • 48
    R. S. Loomis, Wales and the Arthurian Legend (Cardiff, 1956); R. S. Loomis, ‘Scotland and the Arthurian legend’, Proc. Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, lxxxix (1958), 121, at p. 16.
  • 49
    Loomis, ‘Scotland and the Arthurian legend’, pp. 1617; R. K. Morris, ‘The architecture of Arthurian enthusiasm: castle symbolism in the reigns of Edward I and his successors’, in Armies, Chivalry and Warfare in Medieval Britain and France: Proceedings of the 1995 Harlaxton Symposium, ed. M. Strickland (Stamford, 1998), pp. 6381.
  • 50
    Oeuvres de Froissart publiées avec les variants des divers manuscripts, ed. K. de Lettenhove and H. Baron (24 vols., Paris, 1870–7), ii. 312313; P. Contamine, ‘Froissart and Scotland’, in Scotland and the Low Countries, 1124–1994, ed. G. G. Simpson (East Linton, 1996), pp. 4358, at p. 55; M. Penman, David II, 1329–71 (East Linton, 2004), pp. 340341; E. M. R. Ditmas, ‘The Round Table at Stirling’, Bibliographical Bull. International Arthurian Soc., xxvi (1974), 186196, at p. 189.
  • 51
    For more on Round Tables, see R. Barber, ‘What was a Round Table?’, in Edward III's Round Table at Windsor: the House of the Round Table and the Windsor Festival of 1344, ed. J. Munby , R. Barber and R. Brown (Woodbridge, 2007).
  • 52
    Boardman, p. 55.
  • 53
    For more on Fordun, English imperial historiography and succession to the Scottish throne, see S. Boardman, ‘Robert II (1371–90)’, in Tanner , pp. 9196.
  • 54
    Jean Froissart, Méliador: roman comprenant les poésis lyriques de Wenceslas de Bohême, duc de Luxembourg et de Brabant, ed. A. Longnon (Paris, 1895–9), verse 14,792; P. F. Dembowski, Jean Froissart and his Meliador: Context, Craft, and Sense (Lexington, Ky., 1983), pp. 6768; Ditmas, p. 186. Much of Méliador is set in Scotland: King Arthur and the king of Scotland organize the fourth tournament of the poem at Roxburgh. The tournament prize, given by Arthur, is the hand in marriage of the king of Scotland's daughter, Hermondine. Further Scottish brides are given to others who performed well in the tournament (see Dembowski, pp. 7172, on this marriage).
  • 55
    Boardman, pp. 5253.
  • 56
    Boardman, pp. 5051.
  • 57
    John Barbour, The Bruce, ed. A. A. M. Duncan (Edinburgh, 1997), p. 161, bk. 4, l. 181; Ditmas, p. 188.
  • 58
    Boardman, p. 54. The association between Kildrummy and Snowdon may also be indicative of the Douglas influence on the Bruce. In the 1370s, when Barbour was writing, William, earl of Douglas, was about to inherit the earldom of Mar, with its caput at Kildrummy (see M. Brown, The Black Douglases: War and Lordship in Late Medieval Scotland, 1300–1455 (Edinburgh, 2007), pp. 68, 78–9, 267).
  • 59
    Loomis, ‘Scotland and the Arthurian legend’, p. 15; Loomis, ‘From Segontium to Sinadon’, p. 532.
  • 60
    Oeuvres de Ghillebert de Lannoy: voyageur, diplomate et moraliste, ed. C. Potvin (Louvain, 1878), p. 168; Boardman, pp. 5556.
  • 61
    William Worcester, Itineraries: Edited from the Unique MS. Corpus Christi College Cambridge, 210 (Oxford, 1969), p. 7.
  • 62
    See Biddle.
  • 63
    A. McKechnie, ‘Court and courtier architecture, 1424–1660’, in Lordship and Architecture in Medieval and Renaissance Scotland, ed. R. D. Oram and G. P. Stell (Edinburgh, 2005), pp. 293326, at p. 300.
  • 64
    Barbour, p. 499, bk. 13, l. 379.
  • 65
    The Works of Sir David Lindsay of the Mount 1490–1555, ed. D. Hamer (4 vols., Edinburgh, 1931), i. 75. For more on Lindsay, see C. Edington, Court and Culture in Renaissance Scotland: Sir David Lindsay of the Mount (1486–1555) (East Linton, 1994).
  • 66
    For more on Stewart patronage of chivalric culture, see Stevenson, Chivalry and Knighthood in Scotland; K. Stevenson, ‘Royal propaganda: Snowdon Herald and the cult of chivalry in late medieval Scotland’, in Genealogica et Heraldica Sancta Andreae MMVI: Myth and Propaganda in Heraldry and Genealogy, ii, ed. J. D. Floyd and C. J. Burnett (Edinburgh, 2008), 797808; Mason, ‘Renaissance monarchy?’, pp. 255278.
  • 67
    Stevenson, ‘Royal propaganda’.
  • 68
    The Herald in the Late Middle Ages, ed. K. Stevenson (Woodbridge, 2009); M. Keen, Chivalry (2005).
  • 69
    Accounts of the Lord High Treasurer of Scotland, ed. T. Dickson and J. Balfour Paul (13 vols., Edinburgh, 18771916), i, pp. lxxxiii–lxxxiv, 97.
  • 70
    Edward III's Round Table at Windsor: the House of the Round Table and the Windsor Festival of 1344, ed. J. Munby , R. Barber and R. Brown (Woodbridge, 2007); W. M. Ormrod, ‘For Arthur and St George: Edward III, Windsor castle and the Order of the Garter’, in St George's Chapel Windsor in the 14th Century, ed. N. Saul (Woodbridge, 2005), pp. 1334, at p. 23; R. Barber and J. Barker, Tournaments: Jousts, Chivalry and Pageants in the Middle Ages (Woodbridge, 1989), pp. 3435.
  • 71
    E.g., one of the earliest Round Tables to have taken place was in 1235 at Hesdin in Flanders, and in 1319 John of Bohemia held an Arthushof (court of King Arthur) in a market square in Prague (see Barber and Barker, pp. 45, 58).
  • 72
    Stevenson, Chivalry and Knighthood in Scotland; Robert Lindsay of Pitscottie, The Historie and Cronicles of Scotland from the Slauchter of King James the First to the Ane Thousande Fyve Hundreith Thrie Scoir Fyftein Zeir (3 vols., Scottish Text Soc., Edinburgh, 18991911), i. 242244; The historie of Scotland: wrytten first in Latin by Jhone Leslie, and translated in Scottish by Father James Dalrymple, ed. E. G. Cody and W. Murison (2 vols., Scottish Text Soc., Edinburgh, 1888–95), ii. 128.
  • 73
    The historie of Scotland, ii. 128; J. Lesley, The History of Scotland from the Death of King James I in the Year 1424 to the Year 1561 (Bannatyne Club, Edinburgh, 1830), p. 78; Fradenburg, p. 154.
  • 74
    R. Barber, ‘Why did Edward III hold the Round Table? The chivalric background’, in Munby , Barber and Brown , pp. 1335.
  • 75
    Gunn, ‘Henry VIII's foreign policy’, pp. 3031; S. J. Gunn, ‘Tournaments and early Tudor chivalry’, History Today, xli, no. 6 (1991), 1521, at p. 17.
  • 76
    Gunn, ‘Tournaments and early Tudor chivalry’, p. 18.
  • 77
    James IV's enthusiasm for jousting grew during his reign, despite his sustaining an injury at the tournament staged for Perkin Warbeck's wedding in 1496 (see Stevenson, Chivalry and Knighthood, i. 257; C. Edington, ‘The tournament in Medieval Scotland’, in Armies, Chivalry and Warfare in Medieval Britain and France: Proceedings of the 1995 Harlaxton Symposium, ed. M. Strickland (Stamford, 1998), pp. 4662, at p. 59; Macdougall, James IV, pp. 122123).
  • 78
    Anglo, Great Tournament Roll of Westminster, pp. 4950.
  • 79
    College of Arms, MS. Great Tournament Roll of Westminster; Anglo, Great Tournament Roll of Westminster. See also D. Hoak, ‘The iconography of the crown imperial’, in Tudor Political Culture, ed. D. Hoak (Cambridge, 1995), pp. 7883.
  • 80
    It has been pointed out that although Henry was evidently determined to have a major impact on the culture of his court in 1509, the ‘really dazzling court culture lay to the north’ where James IV had established an innovative and dynamic court life (see Wormald, ‘Thorns in the flesh’, pp. 6970). On the Great Michael, see N. Macdougall, ‘“The Greattest Scheip that ewer Saillit in Ingland or France”: James IV's “Great Michael”’, in Scotland and War A.D. 79–1918, ed. N. Macdougall (Edinburgh, 1991), pp. 3660.
  • 81
    S. Riches, St George: Hero, Martyr and Myth (Stroud, 2005), pp. 113115; J. Bengtson, ‘Saint George and the formation of English nationalism’, Jour. Medieval and Early Modern Stud., xxvii (1997), 317340; D. J. D. Boulton, ‘Henry VII and Henry VIII’, in Princes and Princely Culture, 1450–1650, ii, ed. M. Gosman , A. MacDonald and A. Vanderjagt (Leiden, 2005), pp. 129190, at p. 165.
  • 82
    E.g., St. George was also the patron saint of the Enterprise of the Knights of St. George of Aragon, the Fraternal Society of the Knighthood of St. George of Hungary, the Knightly Order of St. George of Carinthia and the Noble Order of St. George of Rougemont. For more on these orders, see D. J. D. Boulton, The Knights of the Crown: the Monarchical Orders of Knighthood in Later Medieval Europe, 1325–1520 (Woodbridge, 1987), pp. 96166, 279–88, 27–45, 399, xix. See also Riches, pp. 116117.
  • 83
    Calendar of State Papers, Venetian, 1202–1509, no. 790, p. 281; Gunn, ‘Henry VIII's foreign policy’, p. 31; Griffiths and Thomas, pp. 208209; S. J. Gunn, ‘Chivalry and the politics of the early Tudor court’, in Chivalry in the Renaissance, ed. S. Anglo (Woodbridge, 1990), pp. 107128, at p. 109; Starkey, pp. 180181. It was long supposed that the Scottish crown subscribed to the trend of founding chivalric orders and that it founded the Order of St. Andrews around this time, but this was not the case. For more on this, see K. Stevenson, ‘The unicorn, St Andrew and the thistle: was there an order of chivalry in late medieval Scotland?’, Scottish Hist. Rev., lxxxiii (2004), 322.
  • 84
    Gunn, ‘Chivalry and the politics of the early Tudor court’, p. 111.
  • 85
    D. Macmillan, Scottish Art, 1460–1990 (Edinburgh, 1990), pp. 28, 29–30.
  • 86
    For a discussion of the politics of portraits in this period, see Sharpe, pp. 130131.
  • 87
    Stevenson, ‘The unicorn, St Andrew and the thistle’, pp. 322.
  • 88
    Boulton, Knights of the Crown, p. 160; Boulton, ‘Henry VII and Henry VIII’, p. 159.
  • 89
    Anglo, Images of Tudor Kingship, p. 35; Griffiths and Thomas, pp. 209, 215; Boulton, ‘Henry VII and Henry VIII’, pp. 161162.
  • 90
    Young, p. 178; Grummitt, ‘The establishment of the Tudor dynasty’, p. 16; Sharpe, p. 66.
  • 91
    Young, p. 178; Griffiths and Thomas, p. 213; Anglo, Images of Tudor Kingship, pp. 5660.
  • 92
    Younge, pp. 296297.
  • 93
    Young, p. 178; Griffiths and Thomas, p. 213; Anglo, ‘The “British history”’, p. 38; S. Anglo, ‘The foundation of the Tudor dynasty: the coronation and marriage of Henry VII’, Guildhall Miscellany, ii (1960), 311, at p. 7; A. Wagner, Heralds of England: a History of the Office and College of Arms (1967), p. 56.
  • 94
    In the treasury of James III, in the queen's chest, a ‘couering of variand purpir tartar browdin with thrissillis and a vnicorne’ was found (Accounts of the Lord High Treasurer of Scotland, i. 85).
  • 95
    See, e.g., Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Codex Lat. 1897 fo. 14v, displaying the royal arms of Scotland. Here an intertwined thistle and marguerite represent James and Margaret Tudor.
  • 96
    The flowers make up an elaborate border. On the edges of the design sit marguerite daisies (The National Archives of the U.K.: Public Record Office, E 39/92/12; and see also Macmillan, pp. 3031).
  • 97
    Edinburgh, National Records of Scotland (hereafter N.R.S.), SP6/31; Gunn, ‘Henry VIII's foreign policy’, p. 31; Anglo, Images of Tudor Kingship, pp. 8081.
  • 98
    See, e.g., William Dunbar's poem known as the ‘Thistle and the rose’ (The Poems of William Dunbar, ed. P. Bawcutt (2 vols., Glasgow, 1998), i, no. 52, pp. 163168).
  • 99
    Fradenburg, p. 154; A. Macquarrie, Scotland and the Crusades, 1095–1560 (Edinburgh, 1997), pp. 105113. For Henry VII's response to crusade, see Currin, p. 28.
  • 100
    These claims were declared in parliament in 1469 and again in 1485, when silver groats were minted depicting James III wearing an imperial crown. For more on this, see R. A. Mason, ‘This realm of Scotland is an empire? Imperial ideas and iconography in early Renaissance Scotland’, in Church, Chronicle and Learning in Medieval and Early Renaissance Scotland: Essays Presented to Donald Watt on the Occasion of the Completion of the Publication of Bower's ‘Scotichronicon’, ed. B. E. Crawford (Edinburgh, 1999), pp. 7391, at pp. 77, 80; Mason, Kingship and the Commonweal, p. 130.
  • 101
    Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Codex Lat. 1897 fos. 14v, 24v; I. Barnes, ‘The Book of Hours of James IV and Margaret Tudor, Austrian National Library, Vienna’, Forth Naturalist and Historian, xxv (2002), 8586; L. MacFarlane, ‘The Book of Hours of James IV and Margaret Tudor’, Innes Rev., xi (1960), 321; Mason, ‘This realm of Scotland is an empire?’, p. 81.
  • 102
    I. Campbell, ‘James IV and Edinburgh's first triumphal arches’, in The Architecture of Scottish Cities: Essays in Honour of David Walker, ed. D. Mays (East Linton, 1997), pp. 2633.
  • 103
    C. J. Burnett and C. J. Tabraham, The Honours of Scotland: the Story of the Scottish Crown Jewels (Edinburgh, 1993), pp. 2426.
  • 104
    R. Fawcett, ‘The medieval building’, in King's College Chapel, Aberdeen, 1500–2000, ed. J. Geddes (Aberdeen, 2000), pp. 5360; R. Fawcett, Scottish Architecture from the Accession of the Stewarts to the Reformation, 1371–1560 (Edinburgh, 1994), pp. 162163, 197–8; Mason, ‘This realm of Scotland is an empire?’, p. 79; Mason, Kingship and the Commonweal, p. 134.
  • 105
    Wormald, ‘Thorns in the flesh’, p. 69.
  • 106
    Hoak, esp. pp. 6578; Boulton, ‘Henry VII and Henry VIII’, p. 158; P. Grierson, ‘The origins of the English sovereign and the symbolism of the closed crown’, British Numismatic Jour., xxxiii (1964), 118134.
  • 107
    N.R.S., SP6/31.
  • 108
    T.N.A.: P.R.O., E 39/92/12.
  • 109
    Dunlop, ‘The politics of peace-keeping’, p. 160. For more on the relationship between Henry and Margaret, see M. McIntyre, ‘Tudor family politics in early 16th-century Scotland’, in History, Literature, and Music in Scotland, 700–1560, ed. R. A. McDonald (Toronto, 2002), pp. 187207.
  • 110
    Gunn, ‘Henry VIII's foreign policy’, p. 27.
  • 111
    For more on the ‘matter of Scotland’, see R. J. Goldstein, The Matter of Scotland: Historical Narrative in Medieval Scotland (Lincoln, 1993).