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Keywords:

  • child rearing;
  • China;
  • Japan;
  • parenting;
  • parents

Abstract

  1. Top of page
  2. Abstract
  3. INTRODUCTION
  4. METHODS
  5. RESULTS
  6. DISCUSSION
  7. SUMMARY
  8. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
  9. Disclosures
  10. REFERENCES

The purpose of this project was to identify parental child-care values in Japan and China. Participants were 667 parents (432 Japanese and 235 Chinese) of newborn babies. A questionnaire, the Child-care Value Scale, was used to collect the data. Japanese parents' mean scores were significantly higher (indicating more agreement) for parental responsibilities listed in the subscale ‘Views about parental role’ than those for Chinese parents. The mean scores for ‘Negative impressions of child-care’ and ‘Need for support from others in the parents' environment’ subscales for Japanese fathers were significantly lower than for Chinese fathers. Japanese parents believed that mothers were responsible for taking care of their children. This was an obstacle to getting support from people outside the family. Chinese couples believed that parents should share housekeeping and child-care, and obtained public and private support from their community. Findings suggest that parents of infants need community and health-care support.


INTRODUCTION

  1. Top of page
  2. Abstract
  3. INTRODUCTION
  4. METHODS
  5. RESULTS
  6. DISCUSSION
  7. SUMMARY
  8. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
  9. Disclosures
  10. REFERENCES

The number of babies born annually in Japan has rapidly decreased in the last 30 years, with a total fertility rate of 1.39 in 2010.1 Most expectant parents have little experience with child-care because they grew up in nuclear families. Additionally, the decline in extended families and lack of relationships weaken support networks for child-care.2 Traditions related to child-care across generations have been changing and opportunities to learn about caring for children have decreased.3 Many Japanese mothers feel the stress of child-care because gender roles still exist in Japan. Men are considered responsible for working, whereas women are considered responsible for housekeeping and child-care. Japanese women have not obtained equality with men in social systems or the workplace. Japanese mothers who do not have support from their husbands or families are more likely to feel isolated and have mental health problems, such as anxiety or depression related to child rearing.4

Similarly, small-sized families and the one-child policy that began in 1979 in China have resulted in a lack of parental child-care experience. Compared with Japanese mothers, Chinese mothers are more overprotective and have higher expectations for their children.5 Expectations for one child in a family can be excessive, with parenting responsibilities contributing to child-care stress in China. Yu6 argued that a parent is the first and only teacher in the socialization process of an only child in a nuclear family. Fortunately, intensive support networks provided by relatives are still working well and provide Chinese parents the advantage of private support. In most Chinese couples, both spouses work, and the culture encourages shared child-care. Chinese full-time working mothers report more ‘child-care happiness’ than non-working mothers.7 Public support, such as child-care leave and day-care services, is provided based on the needs of families, and Chinese parents are equal in child-care collaboration. However, relocation of families in China is increasing because of the diversity of occupations, rapid economic growth and an increase in small-sized families. Therefore, child-care stress has the potential to increase as it has in Japan. Problems associated with such stress are an important public health issue facing many countries. A relationship between child-care stress and depression in mothers and/or child abuse has been reported in recent research.8–10

Previous studies on causes of stress related to child-care have focused on external factors such as availability of partnerships and cooperation with resources in the community or internal factors such as mothers' characteristics or personality.11 Child-care values and beliefs among parents involved in caring for children, especially mothers, are critical research issues.12,13 Ohinata14 found that mothers who reported child-care stress and sought help commonly complained ‘It shouldn't be like this’. Many nurses in charge of child-care support frequently hear parents make statements such as ‘I can't provide child-care like I want to’. A child-care perspective scale has been developed and used for housewives with children aged 3 years and younger.15 It measures maternal emotions related to providing child-care and is a cognitive evaluation of child-care in non-working mothers. Child-care values expressed by parents (e.g. ‘It should be like this’ or ‘I hope it's this way’) have not been studied in Japan and China. It is important to research and understand child-care values among parents, including fathers and working mothers, and discuss child-care support in this current gender-equal society and low birth rate era.

‘Child-care values’ are defined in this study as personal opinions, views, values, recognitions, impressions and expectations about taking care of one's own children. They do not reflect actual child-care practices.

This research aims to produce information to prevent or reduce child-care stress by identifying similarities and differences in child-care values between parents in Japan and China whose cultural backgrounds and social circumstances differ. The purpose of this study is twofold: (i) to identify similarities and differences in child-care values among parents with infants in Japan and China and (ii) to discuss types of nursing consultations that should be provided for the prevention or reduction of child-care stress.

METHODS

  1. Top of page
  2. Abstract
  3. INTRODUCTION
  4. METHODS
  5. RESULTS
  6. DISCUSSION
  7. SUMMARY
  8. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
  9. Disclosures
  10. REFERENCES

The study was a cross-sectional questionnaire survey.

Sample

We recruited participants who had delivered and were hospitalized at five hospitals in a Japanese urban area and one hospital in an urban area in China from August to December 2005. Married women who had a singleton, full-term delivery and no abnormalities in themselves or their babies during pregnancy and delivery were asked to participate in the present study. Husbands were asked for their cooperation through their wives. Replying to the questionnaire was understood as agreement to take part in this study.

Survey methods

Survey data included questions about child-care values and demographic data using the Childcare Value Scale (CVS), developed and examined for reliability and validity by Chen et al.,16 and a demographic questionnaire. The CVS comprises 43 items and five subscales: Views about parental role, Positive impressions of child-care, Negative impressions of child-care, Need for support from others in the parents' environment and Parental views about their baby. Each item is scored using a four-point scale: 1 = strongly disagree, 2 = disagree, 3 = somewhat agree and 4 = strongly agree. The overall Cronbach's α for the CVS is 0.79. Subscale α coefficients are between 0.58 and 0.81. In addition, the scale has acceptable internal consistency.16 This scale, based on previous studies and discussions among researchers, was created to be used for parents in both China and Japan. The Chinese version is based on the Japanese version and considered valid based on discussions among five Chinese maternity nursing researchers/teachers.17 The Japanese version was translated into Chinese twice and was back-translated. The demographic data consisted of age, academic background, employment status, number of family members, experience with child-care and shared housekeeping and child-care among couples.

The study proposal containing the purpose, outline and ethical considerations was sent to facilities with a maternity ward in a metropolitan area in Japan. The hospitalized postpartum mothers who were potential candidates and met the selection criteria were given an explanation of the study by one of the investigators or a nurse and were asked to participate by filling out the questionnaire. The husbands were asked to cooperate through the postpartum mothers. Wives and husbands were both instructed to separately fill out the questionnaire and return it by mail around the time of the wife's discharge.

In China, data were collected with the cooperation of a hospital maternity ward located in Beijing under the direct control of the Chinese government. The nursing manager of the hospital gave approval for the study. One of the co-investigators of this study directly explained the document to postpartum mothers who met the selection criteria and agreed to participate. The husbands were asked for their cooperation through the postpartum mothers. Both wives and husbands were instructed to fill out the questionnaire separately, seal it in an envelope and put it in a box in the ward before discharge.

Data analysis

Scored data were analyzed with the standard SPSS statistical software version 15.0 J for Windows (SPSS Inc., Chicago, IL, USA). The statistical significance level was set at P < 0.05. Differences in child-care values between Japan and China were examined using t-tests and the Mann–Whitney U-test. Comparisons of basic information between Japan and China were examined with t-tests and the chi-square test.

Ethical considerations

The Internal Review Board of the School of Nursing at Chiba University, Japan, approved the research protocol. A letter requesting participation was sent to each participant and included the purpose and significance of the study. It clearly stated that returning the questionnaire indicated consent. Participants were free to cooperate or decline to participate without consequence. Furthermore, they were guaranteed anonymity of personal information and were told that it would not be an arduous task. The data were handled confidentially by all the researchers and used just for this study.

RESULTS

  1. Top of page
  2. Abstract
  3. INTRODUCTION
  4. METHODS
  5. RESULTS
  6. DISCUSSION
  7. SUMMARY
  8. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
  9. Disclosures
  10. REFERENCES

Participants

A total of 1479 Japanese and 400 Chinese couples were asked to participate. Of the 953 Japanese and 326 Chinese couples who responded, 432 (29.2%) valid answer sheets were obtained in Japan and 235 (58.8%) in China. A total of 667 valid answer sheets were analyzed.

Table 1 summarizes the demographic variables for Japanese and Chinese parents. The mean ages of Japanese mothers and fathers were 31.2 and 33.4, respectively. Mean ages for mother and fathers in China were 29.0 and 30.9, respectively.

Table 1.  Comparison of mothers' and fathers' demographics in Japan and China
CharacteristicsJapanese mothers (n = 238)Chinese mothers (n = 119)P-valueJapanese fathers (n = 194)Chinese fathers (n = 116)P-value
MSDMSDMSDMSD
  1. ** P < 0.01; *** P < 0.001.

  2. NS, not significant.

Age31.24.429.03.6***33.05.130.94.3**
 N%N% N%N% 
EducationHigh school graduated or lower8234.5119.2***5729.686.9***
Junior college graduated or higher15665.510890.8 13670.510893.1
EmploymentEmployed5924.810689.1***194100.011498.3NS
Not employed17975.21310.900.021.7
Care experiencesHad actual experiences of child caring3127.454.3***2325.632.8***
No experiences of child caring8272.611195.76774.410697.2
ParityPrimiparaous11347.511697.5***9047.611296.6***
Multiparaous12552.532.5 9952.443.4 
Type of familyNuclear families21590.77966.9***17291.57665.5***
Expanded families229.23933.1 168.54034.5 
Sharing situations between parents related to housework and child-careMerely/mainly mothers22193.26756.3***17593.65547.4***
Split same amount145.93932.8126.43933.6
Merely/mainly fathers20.81310.900.02219.0

A comparison of participants' demographics between Japan and China, separately for mothers and fathers, revealed significant differences between the two nations for all variables except fathers' employment rate. Japanese compared with Chinese participants were older and had a higher level of education (P < 0.01). There was a significant association between rate of employment and nation (P < 0.001). A small proportion of Japanese mothers were employed. In contrast, a large proportion of Chinese mothers were employed. About 90% of Japanese participants reported that they lived in a nuclear family, and mainly mothers were responsible for housework and child-care. Given that more than 95% of Chinese participants were primiparas, the rate of those with no child-care experience was significantly higher than that for Japanese participants (P < 0.001). However, about 70% of Japanese participants reported no experience with child-care.

Comparison of child-care values between the two nations

Figures 1 and 2 show that both mothers' and fathers' scores were significantly different between Japan and China. The mean scores for the five subscales of the CVS were compared separately for mothers and fathers between the two nations. Mean scores for the ‘Views about parental role’ subscale were 31.68 ± 3.96 for Japanese mothers compared with 30.20 ± 3.72 for Chinese mothers (P = 0.001, t-value = 3.39). The mean score for Japanese fathers was 33.02 ± 3.78 compared with 30.90 ± 3.15 for Chinese fathers (P = 0.000, t-value = 5.31).

image

Figure 1. Comparison of mothers' child-care values between the two nations. (inline image) Japanese mothers (n = 238), (inline image), Chinese mothers (n = 119).

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image

Figure 2. Comparison of fathers' child-care values between the two nations. (inline image) Japanese fathers (n = 194), (inline image) Chinese fathers (n = 116).

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The mean score for the ‘Negative impressions of child-care’ subscale was 21.29 ± 3.86 for Japanese fathers and 23.34 ± 3.86 for Chinese fathers. Scores were significantly different between the two nations (P = 0.000, t-value = −4.52).

Table 2 provides a comparison of each item in the ‘Views about parental role’ subscale between Japan and China. Scores for items in this subscale were significantly different between the two nations.

Table 2.  Comparison of items in the ‘Views about parental role’ subscale between Japan and China
Items of ‘Views towards parental role’ subscaleJapanese mothers (n = 238)Chinese mothers (n = 119)U Japanese fathers (n = 194)Chinese fathers (n = 116)U 
MMMM
  1. P < 0.05; ** P < 0.01; *** P < 0.001.

  2. NS, not significant.

Parents should care for their children.3.633.6713 811.0NS3.773.7210 633.0NS
Parents should place their parental duties above everything.3.363.4612 976.5NS3.553.4910 995.0NS
Parents should give their children selfless love.3.583.4513 171.0NS3.613.7010 531.5NS
Parents should make sacrifices for their children.3.112.225 423.0***3.332.616 241.5***
Parents should give top priority to the children in their life.2.772.319 367.0***2.742.398 564.5***
A mother should devote herself to the care of her children.2.582.069 814.5***2.642.137 733.5***
Children's growth for good or ill depends on the parents' efforts.2.893.1811 394.0***3.052.9510 678.0NS
Parents should love their children unconditionally.3.643.8012 511.0*3.713.7210 851.0NS
Parents have a responsibility to solve problems with child-care.2.893.0812 289.5*3.083.1610 677.0NS

The number of agreement responses for Japanese couples for the following three items was significantly higher than that for Chinese couples: (i) ‘Parents should make sacrifices for their children’; (ii) ‘Parents should give top priority to the children in their life’; and (iii) ‘A mother should devote herself to the care of her children until they are 3 years old’. On the other hand, the number of agreement responses for Chinese mothers was significantly higher than for Japanese mothers for the following items: (i) ‘Children's growth for good or ill depends on the parents' efforts’; (ii) ‘Parents should love their children unconditionally’; and (iii) ‘Parents have a responsibility to solve problems regarding child-care’.

Table 3 shows that the number of agreement responses for Japanese couples and mothers was significantly higher than for Chinese couples or mothers for the following items: (i) ‘I am forming new relationships through child-care’; (ii) ‘I need someone to talk to about child-care in addition to my partner’ in the subscale ‘Need for support from others in the parents' environment’.

Table 3.  Comparison of items in the ‘Need for support from others in the parents' environment’ subscale between Japan and China
ItemsJapanese mothers (n = 238)Chinese mothers (n = 119)U Japanese fathers (n = 194)Chinese fathers (n = 116)U 
MMMM
  1. P < 0.05; ** P < 0.01; *** P < 0.001. NS, not significant.

Advice from friends who have experienced that child-care is useful.3.713.6813 704.0NS3.473.5710 550.5NS
My relationships are increasing through child-care.3.503.059 627.0***3.292.817 683.0***
I want to keep close relations with parents whose children are near the ages of my children.3.533.7112 212.5*3.233.598 051.0***
No wonder we use nursery service such as a day care.2.743.338 625.5***2.383.275 070.0***
It is only natural that we would like to have regular help from my family regarding child-care.2.603.376 946.0***2.283.413 442.0***
Information about child-care from magazines, television, books and so on.3.273.629 740.5***3.243.489 010.5**
I need a professional (doctor, public health nurse, nurse, etc.) to give me advice about child-care.3.563.5513 949.0NS3.323.589 316.0**
When I am in poor health, I would like to rely on my family for help with caring for my children.3.403.4513 496.5NS2.993.387 884.0***
It is useful to observe someone caring for child.3.473.5812 890.0NS3.143.498 252.5***
It is useful to listen to those who have experienced child-care.3.583.6113 931.5NS3.383.599 232.0**
I need someone to talk to about child-care in addition to my partner.3.733.248 490.0***3.103.0710 844.0NS

The number of agreement responses for Chinese couples was significantly higher than for Japanese couples for the following items: (i) ‘I want to keep close relations with parents whose children are near the ages of my children’; (ii) ‘No wonder we use nursery services such as day care’; (iii) ‘It is only natural that we would like to have regular child-care help from my family’; and (iv) ‘Information about child-care from magazines, television, books, etc., is very helpful’.

DISCUSSION

  1. Top of page
  2. Abstract
  3. INTRODUCTION
  4. METHODS
  5. RESULTS
  6. DISCUSSION
  7. SUMMARY
  8. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
  9. Disclosures
  10. REFERENCES

Characteristics of the participants

Fathers' employment rate was not significantly different between the two nations. For Chinese fathers, the following were significantly more common than for Japanese fathers: higher educational level, their baby being the first child in the family, inexperience in actual child-care and being in an extended family. Housekeeping and child-care were not limited to women among Chinese couples. That is, housekeeping and child-care were equally shared among many couples or husbands were mainly in charge of housekeeping and child-care. The participants in this study were typical parents in urban areas in both nations, and their demographic data were similar to subject populations in previous studies.4,7,18

Differences in child-care values

The findings in this study revealed differences in child-care values between Japanese and Chinese parents. Japanese parents seemed to work strenuously to fulfil their parental duties and had higher expectations and ideals for themselves than did Chinese parents.

Views about parental role

The number of agreement responses for Japanese couples was significantly higher than for Chinese couples regarding the following two items: ‘Parents should make sacrifices for their children’ and ‘Parents should give top priority to the children in their life’. There are two possible factors related to this difference: (i) traditional thinking about child rearing and (ii) three-quarters of mothers in Japan being full-time housewives.4,18 Child-care with respect for the child's autonomy enhances child-care situations. However, if parents value children-centred child-care and devotion to their children is excessive, they may become overly protective and vulnerable to child-care stress reflected by a sense of self-loss and burden.

Chinese mothers responded with significantly more agreement than Japanese mothers to the following three statements: ‘Children's growth for good or ill depends on the parents' efforts’, ‘Parents should love their children unconditionally’ and ‘Parents have a responsibility to solve problems regarding child-care’. Chinese mothers strongly believed that a child's development is based on parents' love and efforts. This value among Chinese mothers is consistent with the Confucian view that parents are primarily responsible for an unworthy child. This view also reflects the traditional Chinese concept of parents actively exercising authority and guiding children19 as well as attitudes towards child-care. It suggests that parental efforts to teach and guide children with love are reasonable when children do not yet have the ability to make judgements for themselves. However, there is a risk that parents unconsciously underestimate children's autonomy and restrain their self-development if they strictly believe that all facets of the child's development are dependent on parental love and efforts. Those parents might think that they are responsible for everything and suffer from a guilty conscience if their children experience problems. Furthermore, parents may expect too much from the only child in the family. They feel a heavy responsibility because of the one-child policy in Chinese society and try to raise their child to meet the high societal standards.

Japanese parents' child-centred devotion for their children and Chinese mothers' belief that a child's development is totally dependent on parental love and efforts both indicate values regarding parental roles, which underlie attitudes towards child-care. These findings show that parents in both nations work hard to care for their children. However, they may be vulnerable to high parenting stress if they persist in holding these values regarding their role.13

The number of agreement responses for Japanese couples was significantly higher than for Chinese couples regarding ‘A mother should devote herself to the care of her children until they are 3 years old’. This finding suggests that many Japanese parents still strongly believe that child-care should be provided, at least initially, primarily by mothers. Because of historical and economic demands in Japanese society, traditionally, conventional values such as mothers providing child-care in the modern era20 and the domestic role of women as mother and wife who act with love and virtue have been emphasized. Therefore, gender-related role divisions in Japan have created the belief that men are responsible for working and women are responsible for housekeeping and child-care. This role division has also contributed to the value that child-care should be provided domestically, with this belief commonly accepted among Japanese women. In contrast, in Chinese society, it is widely accepted that child-care is not only a woman' responsibility but is a collaborative responsibility among family and extended family. This value was created and developed based on cultural factors such as relationships of Chinese families and relatives; social factors such as double-income households after the new Chinese social system in 1949 and a pension system based on income; and geographical conditions such as families and relatives living in close proximity.6

The differing values related to parental role and child-care responsibility should not be judged as right or wrong. It is important to adopt a flexible approach to accommodate variables in parents' lives and child-care environments, as noted in a previous Japanese study.13 In demanding child-care situations, parents' beliefs, especially cognitive appraisals about their situational control, are strongly related to how they cope with stress. To prevent or reduce child-care stress for parents, it is essential that nurses assess whether the child-care fits the child's needs and whether the parents' child-care values fit the environment and other circumstances. Nurses must respect the parents' values as they assist them in providing care that meets the child's needs, thus increasing the likelihood of healthy development in the child.

Impressions of child-care

Chinese fathers had significantly lower scores for the ‘Negative impressions of child-care’ subscale than did Japanese fathers. The difference in responses to the ‘Positive impressions of child-care’ subscale between Japanese and Chinese fathers was not statistically significant. However, Japanese fathers' scores were lower perhaps because they had fewer impressions of actual child-care, especially negative impressions. More than half of the Japanese fathers in this study had more than two children. In addition, the Japanese fathers reported child-care experiences even though they had only one child. However, housekeeping and child-care were mainly provided by their wives. Our data suggest that Japanese fathers were not fully engaged in child-care. A survey conducted by the Welfare and Labour Ministry21 reported that the main reasons Japanese fathers are not fully engaged in child-care are that they are too busy working and are not interested in children and families. Thus, the husband spends less time on child-care and housework than does his wife.22

Need for support from others in the parents' environment

The results on this subscale show that Japanese fathers did not feel a need for support from professionals or relatives and did not actively obtain information from experienced fathers related to child-care compared with Chinese fathers. This suggests that neither Japanese mothers nor fathers accepted public support such as day-care services or private support from relatives compared with Chinese parents.

Parents in both Japan and China reported similar agreement with ‘It is useful to get information and advice from parents with child-care experience’. Japanese parents expected to increase the number of relationships they had through child-care more than did Chinese parents. Although the majority of Japanese parents (especially fathers) did not perceive a need for support from others, many thought that it was important to have good relationships with others while raising their children. These results indicate that Japanese parents thought that public support, such as day-care services and private support from relatives, was important. However, they tended to avoid seeking support because of the belief that child-care is a domestic responsibility. Japanese mothers who were in charge of housekeeping and child-care also avoided seeking support from others even though they experienced stress after birth, consistent with results of a nationwide survey.18

In contrast, Chinese parents reported receiving both private and public services for three reasons. Firstly, in China, extended family and society are accustomed to providing social support to parents with infants. Secondly, spouses cannot manage child-care without outside support because they both work. Lastly, Chinese parents report easy access to support from their families because they live in close proximity.

Limitations of this study

The settings in this study were facilities in urban areas in both nations. One setting was an affluent facility in China where relatively highly educated and wealthy participants were recruited. Results from rural areas from both nations might be different because child-care values are affected by living standards and cultural backgrounds. This study did not identify actual situations or needs. Future research should examine parents' child-care values as well as actual situations and needs. In addition, it is important to identify concrete guidelines and more in-depth knowledge for nurses who work to help reduce child-care stress for parents.

SUMMARY

  1. Top of page
  2. Abstract
  3. INTRODUCTION
  4. METHODS
  5. RESULTS
  6. DISCUSSION
  7. SUMMARY
  8. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
  9. Disclosures
  10. REFERENCES

This study revealed three main findings regarding child-care values held by parents in Japan and China. Firstly, Japanese parents adhere to gender roles and the belief that parental child-care should be assumed primarily by mothers. In contrast, Chinese parents share child-care responsibilities. Secondly, Japanese parents strongly value being child centred and devoted to their children. Chinese parents strongly feel that a child's development relies on parental love and efforts. Lastly, Japanese parents cherish relationships with others but take total responsibility for the care of their children. They keep child-care within the family and do not actively seek outside support. On the other hand, Chinese parents think that both mothers and fathers are responsible for child-care, and it is natural to obtain support from extended family and society. Findings suggest that parents of infants need community and health-care support for child-care in both nations. It is essential to provide adequate assessment and support that fit family environments with respect for parents' individual child-care values.

Our results point to the need for understanding the identified differences in child-care values (e.g. views of parental role, impressions of child-care and need for support from others in the parents' environment) between Japanese and Chinese parents whose cultural backgrounds and social circumstances differ. This information may help health-care providers in Japan and China as well as globally to more competently cope with cultural values of parents and thus be more effective in reducing or even preventing their unique child-care stress.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

  1. Top of page
  2. Abstract
  3. INTRODUCTION
  4. METHODS
  5. RESULTS
  6. DISCUSSION
  7. SUMMARY
  8. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
  9. Disclosures
  10. REFERENCES

The researchers would like to sincerely thank the parents who participated in this study and the staffs at the institutions involved in the survey. We would like to dedicate this paper to the memory of Dr. Dong Chen-Mie Nakahara. To facilitate this research, she played an active role as a research fellow in the 21st century Center of Excellence program in the Graduate School of Nursing, Chiba University. The authors are grateful to Dr. Perri J Bomar, visiting professor at Chiba University, Editor-in-Chief of Journal of Nursing and Human Sciences (JNHS), for giving us valuable editorial comments on our manuscript. This study was supported by the 21st Century Centers of Excellence program from the Ministry of Education, Science, Sports and Culture, Japan.

REFERENCES

  1. Top of page
  2. Abstract
  3. INTRODUCTION
  4. METHODS
  5. RESULTS
  6. DISCUSSION
  7. SUMMARY
  8. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
  9. Disclosures
  10. REFERENCES
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