We would like to thank Maxine Berg, Colin Jones, Ulrich Lehmann, Liliane Pérez, Emma Rothschild, Gareth Steadman Jones and John Styles for their comments. Previous versions of this paper were presented at the “Economic and Social History of Pre-Industrial England” Seminar, Institute of Historical Research, University of London, January 2004 and the conference “Les échanges techniques entre la France et l'Angleterre (XVIe-XIXe siècles): Réseaux, comparaisons, representations”, Paris, December 2006.
For a general survey of notion, nature and historiography of the Industrial Revolution see David Cannadine, “The Present and the Past in the English Industrial Revolution 1800–1900”, Past and Present vol. 108 (1984), pp. 131–72; Julian Hoppit, “Understanding the Industrial Revolution”, Historical Journal vol. 30 (1987), pp. 211–24; Joel Mokyr, “That which we Call Industrial Revolution”, Contention vol. 4 (1994), pp. 189–206; and Peter Temin, “Two Views of the British Industrial Revolution”, Journal of Economic History vol. 56 (1997), pp. 63–82. Martin Daunton, Progress and Poverty. An Economic and Social History of Britain 1700–1850 (Oxford, 1995) provides an excellent bibliography. On the concept of Industrial Revolution see: William Hardy, The Origins of the Idea of the Industrial Revolution (Victoria, BC, 2006).
Already in the 1980s some historians stated doubts about the term “Industrial Revolution”. See for instance Michael Fores who defines the Industrial Revolution as a Whigish construction ‘of great dramas unfolding’. Michael Fores, “The Myth of a British Industrial Revolution”, History vol. 46, no. 217 (1981), p. 194. See also Rondo Cameron, “Industrial Revolution: Fact or Fiction?”, Contention vol. 4 (1994), pp. 163–88.
See for instance Maxine Berg, Luxury and Pleasure in Eighteenth-Century Britain (Oxford, 2005). For recent overviews going beyond classic the economic history remit see: Peter N. Stearn, The Industrial Revolution in World History (Boulder, CO and London, 3rd edn. 2007); Jeff Horn, The Industrial Revolution: Milestones in Business History (Westport, CO and London, 2007).
For a classic critique see Donald C. Coleman, Myth, History and the Industrial Revolution (London, 1992), esp. pp. 38–9. For a more recent analysis see the papers in Jeff Horn, Leonard N. Rosenband and Merritt Roe Smith, eds., Reconceptualising the Industrial Revolution (Cambridge, MA, forthcoming 2009).
Out of the c. 90 diaries and travelogues examined, c. 60 have been here included. Although our sample is clearly not representative in any statistical sense, all our travellers were aware of the economic growth and social problems experienced by Britain at the time and often visited industrial sites, mines, bridges, shipyards and engineering works. Although this collection of sources might be dismissed as too narrow in scope and biased. General collections of extracts from foreigners' diaries and memoires for the period considered include: Edward Smith, Foreign Visitors in England and what they Have Thought of us (London, 1889); Frederick Charles Roe, ed., French Travellers in Britain, 1800–1926. Impressions and reflections (London, 1928); Ethel Jones, Les Voyageurs Français en Angleterre de 1815 à 1830 (Paris, 1930); Margaret I. Bain, Les Voyageurs Français en Écosse, 1770–1830, et Leurs Curiosités Intellectuelles (Paris, 1931); Harry Ballam and Roy Lewis, eds., The Visitor's Book: England and the English as Others have seen Them A.D. 1500 to 1950 (London, 1950); Francesca Mary Wilson, ed., Strange Island. Britain through Foreign Eyes, 1395–1940 (London, 1955); Roy Ernest Palmer, French Travellers in England 1600–1900: Selections from their Writings (London, 1960); William O. Henderson, Industrial Britain under the Regency: the Diaries of Escher, Bodmer, May and de Gallois 1814–18 (London, 1968); Anthony Burton and Pip Burton, The Green Bag Travellers: Britain's First Tourists (London, 1978); and Richard Trench, ed., Travellers in Britain: Three Centuries of Discovery (London, 1990).
Observations on the traditional features of the British economic system are less well represented. The German travel writer Johann Georg Kohl, for example, observed when visiting Leeds in the early 1840s how wonderful it was that “with all the prodigious advances of the factory system, its steam-engines and capital, the ‘domestic clothiers’ have not long since vanished from the land, and that the little manufacturers have not sunk into mere salaried servants of the great capitalists and machinery owners.” Johann Georg Kohl, Travels in England and Wales (Bristol, 1845), p. 160.
See for instance Jás Elsner, and Joan-Pau Rubiés, “Introduction”, in Jás Elsner and Joan-Pau Rubiés, eds., Voyages and Visions: Towards a Cultural History of Travel (London, 1999), pp. 1–56; Joan-Pau Rubiés, Travel and Ethnology in the Renaissance: South India through European Eyes, 1250–1625 (Cambridge, 2000), pp. 1–34; and Justin Stagl and Christopher Pinney, “Introduction: From Travel Writing to Ethnography”, History and Anthropology vol. 9 (1996), pp. 121–24.
Francis D. Klingender, Art and the Industrial Revolution, ed. A. Elton (London, 1972), pp. 72–90.
Charles L. Batten, Pleasurable Instruction: Form and Conversation in Eighteenth-Century Travel Literature (London, 1978), p. 32. See also Carole Fabricant, “The Literature of Domestic Tourism and the Public Consumption of Private Property”, in Felicity Nussbaum and Laura Brown, eds., The New Eighteenth Century: Theory, Politics, English Literature, (New York and London, 1987), pp. 254–75.
Some even used the genre as critical prose. The fictional Don Manuel Alvarez Esprilla's “Letters from England” (1807) was one of the best-known travelogues in the early nineteenth century. Joan-Pau Rubiés, “Instructions for Travellers: Teaching the Eye to See”, History and Anthropology vol. 9 (1996), pp. 141–42.
Margery E. Elkington, Les Relations de Société entre l'Angleterre et la France sous la Restauration, 1814–1830 (Paris, 1929), p. 189.
Nigel Leask, Curiosity and the Aesthetics of Travel Writings, 1770–1840: “From an Antique Land” (Oxford, 2002), p. 11. See also Marjorie Morgan, National Identities and Travel in Victorian Britain (London, 2001).
Gareth Stedman Jones, “National Bankruptcy and Social Revolution: European Observers on Britain, 1813–1844”, in Donald Winch and Patrick K. O'Brien, eds., The Political Economy of British Historical Experience (Oxford, 2002); id., Gareth Stedman Jones, An End to Poverty? A Historical Debate (London, 2004); Roberto Romani, National Character and Public Spirit in Britain and France 1750–1914 (Cambridge, 2002); Emma Rothschild, “The English Kopf”, in Donald Winch and Patrick K. O'Brien, eds., The Political Economy of British Historical Experience, 61–92; Emma Rothschild, Economic Sentiments: Adam Smith, Condorcet, and the Enlightenment (Cambridge, MA, and London, 2002).
On the early use of the term “Industrial Revolution” see: Anna Bezanson, “The Early Use of the Term Industrial Revolution”, Quarterly Journal of Economics, 36 (1922), pp. 343–49; Keith Tribe, Genealogies of Capitalism (London, 1981), pp. 101–20 and David S. Landes, “The Fable of the Dead Horse; Or, the Industrial Revolution Revisited”, in Joel Mokyr, ed., The British Industrial Revolution: An Economic Perspective (Boulder, CO, 2nd edn., 1999), pp. 128–59.
For a brief but incisive analysis of eighteenth-century French views of England's success see the chapter on “Les Sources de la Richesse de l'Angleterre, vues par les Français du XVIIIe Siècle” in François Crouzet, De la Supériorité de l'Angleterre sur la France (Paris, 1985), pp. 105–19.
Norman Hampson, The Perfidy of Albion: French Perceptions of England during the French Revolution (Basingstoke, 1998), pp. 1–18; Paul Langford, “The English as Reformers. Foreign Visitors' Impressions, 1750–1850”, in Timothy Blanning and Peter Wende, eds., Reforms in Great Britain and Germany, 1750–1850 (Oxford, 1999), pp. 101–19.
See for instance: Martin Fritz, “British Influence on Developments in the Swedish Foundry Industry around the Turn of the Eighteenth Century” in Kristine Bruland, ed., Technology Transfer and Scandinavian Industrialisation (New York and Oxford, 1991), pp. 59–72.
On the perception of British artefacts in the eighteenth century sew: John Styles, “Manufacturing, Consumption and Design in Eighteenth-Century England”, in John Brewer and Roy Porter, eds., Consumption and the World of Goods (London and New York, 1993), pp. 527–54; Maxine Berg, “Product Innovation in Core Consumer Industries”, in Maxine Berg and Kristine Bruland, eds., Technological Revolutions in Europe: Historical Perspectives (Cheltenham, 1998), pp. 138–60.
For examples of this genre see: Marilyn Palmer, R.R. Angerstein's Illustrated Travel Diary, 1753–1755: Industry in England and Wales from a Swedish Perspective (London, 2001); M.W. Flinn, Svendenstierna's Tour of Great Britain 1802–3: The Travel Diary of an Industrial Spy (Newton Abbot, 1993), in particular vii-xix; Gallois, “Rapport sur les Chemins de Fer en Angleterre notamment à Newcastle”, Annales des Mines, 30 (1818), pp. 129–44; J. M. Dutens, Mémoires sur les travaux publics de l'Angleterre, suivis d'un mémoire sur l'esprit d'Association et sur les Différents Modes de Concession (Paris, 1819); Charles Dupin, Voyages dans la Grande-Bretagne entrepris relativement aux Services Publics de la Guerre, de la Marine et des Ponts et Chausséees depuis 1816 (Paris, 1819–24); Carlo Bernardo Mosca, Relazione su alcuni lavori pubblici, ed. Laura Guardamagna, and L. Re (Turin, 1998); William O. Henderson, J. C. Fischer and his Diary of Industrial England 1814–51 (London, 1966). On Iron see: Alan Birch, “Foreign Observers of the British Iron Industry during the Eighteenth Century”, Journal of Economic History, 15 (1955), pp. 23–33.
For an analysis of French industrialists, see Peter Stearns, “British Industry through the Eyes of French Industrialists (1820–1848)”, Journal of Modern History vol. 37 (1965), pp. 50–61.
William O. Henderson, Britain and Industrial Europe 1750–1870 (Leicester, 1972), p. 33.
Pierre Armand Dufrénoy, and de Elie Beaumont, Voyage Métallurgique en Angleterre, ou Récueil de Memoires sur le Gisement, l'Exploitation et le Traitement des Minerais . . . (Paris, 1827); Léon Coste, and Auguste Perdonnet, Mémoires Métallurgiques sur le Traitement des Mineurs de Fer . . . (Paris, 1830); Pierre Guillaume Frédéric Le Play, Description des procédés métallurgiques employés dans le Pays de Galles pour la fabrication du cuivre (Paris, 1848); Karl Friedrich Schinkel, The English Journeys. Journal of a Visit to France and Britain in 1826, ed. David Bindman, and Gottfried Riemann (New Haven, 1993).
The Italian Rotella had already noticed it in Birmingham during his visit in the early 1790s, where he saw production carried out “in the greatest mystery, and jealousy, not just against foreigners, but also between one artificer and another”. Giovanbattista Rotella, Relazioni di varie osservazioni in proposito di machine . . . per occasione del suo recente viaggio d'Inghilterra (Padua, 1974), pp. 6–7. The sea of espionage suggests that the Europeans could and would rather easily copy what they saw. John R. Harris, Industrial Espionage and Technology Transfer: Britain and France in the Eighteenth Century (Aldershot, 1997); and for the eighteenth century: John R. Harris, “Industrial Espionage in the Eighteenth Century”, Industrial Archaeological Review vol. 7 (1985), pp. 164–75. See also Liliane Hilaire-Pérez, “Transferts technologiques, droit et territoire: Le cas franco-anglais au XVIIIe siècle”, Revue d'Histoire Moderne et Contemporaine 44 (1997), pp. 547–79.
Flora Tristan, Promenades dans Londres (Paris, 1840), p. 71.
Fisk, in a highly lyrical tone, describes the Black Country as “Vulcania” burning like “the perpetual fires of the Valley of Hinnom, with the smoking sacrifices of writhing infants offered upon altars of Moloch”. Willbur Fisk, Travels on the Continent of Europe, in England, Ireland, Scotland . . . (New York, 1838), p. 504. A similar metaphor is used by Beltrami, MacLellan and the economist Chevalier. Giacomo Costantino Beltrami, A Pilgrimage in Europe and America leading to the Discovery of the Sources of Mississippi and Bloody River (London, 1828), p. 432; Henry Blake MacLellan, Journal of a Residence in Scotland, and tour through England, France, Germany, Switzerland and Italy (Boston, 1834), p. 116; and Michel Chevalier, Society, Manners and Politics in the United States being a Series of Letters on North America (Boston, 1839), p. 25.
Camillo Benso di Cavour, Diario (1833–1843) del Conte di Cavour, ed. Luigi Salvatorelli (Milan and Rome, 1941), pp. 202–3. On the identification of the railway with the new industrial age in literature see: Jessie Givner, “Industrial History, Preindustrial Literature: George Eliot's Middlemarch”, English Literary History vol. 69 (2002), pp. 223–43.
Schinkel, English Journeys, pp. 17–9. On the “birth of the industrial landscape” and the reactions of contemporaries and visitors see: François Crouzet, “Naissance du Paysage Industriel”, Histoire, Economie et Societé, 16 (1997), pp. 419–38, and Isabelle Lescent-Giles, “La Naissance du Paysage Industriel en Grande-Bretagne: l'Example des West Midlands”, Histoire, Economie et Societé vol. 16 (1997), pp. 439–52. See also Barrie Trinder, The Making of the Industrial Landscape (Gloucester, 1987).
“Infinite machine che nelle manifatture centuplicano le mani dell'uomo”. Count Giuseppe Pecchio, Osservazioni Semiserie di un Esule sull'Inghilterra, ed. Giuseppe Nicoletti (Milan, 1976), pp. 114–5.
“Escher's letters” in Henderson, Industrial Britain, p. 84. See also Girolamo Orti, Lettere d'un recente viaggio in Francia, Inghilterra, Scozia (Verona, 1819), p. 157.
Alexis de Tocqueville, Journeys to England and Ireland (London,  1968), p. 106.
The French economist Say underlined how “there is industry wherever there is coal”, although he keenly emphasised technology over the natural endowment: “But is principally the introduction of machinery in the arts which has rendered the production more economical.” Jean-Baptiste Say, England and the English People . . . (London, 1816), p. 35.
These factors are particularly underlined by Pierre J.B. Nougaret, Londres, la Cour et les provinces d'Angleterre, d'Ecosse, et d'Irlande, ou Esprit, Mœurs, Coutumes, Habitudes privées des habitans de la Grande-Bretagne (Paris, 1816), p. 6; Herman Humphrey, Great Britain, France and Belgium: a Short Tour in 1835 (New York, 1838), p. 222; and Zachariah Allen, The Practical Tourist, or Sketches of the State of the Useful Arts, and of Society, Scenery, &c. &c. in Great-Britain, France and Holland (Beckwith, Providence, 1832), p. 124.
Maxine Berg, “From Imitation to Invention: Creating Commodities in Eighteenth-Century Britain”Economic History Review, 55/1 (2002), pp. 1–30; id., Luxury and Pleasure.
“Escher's letters” in Henderson, Industrial Britain, pp. 31 and 33. See also Barry M. Ratcliffe, “Manufacturing in the Metropolis: The Dynamism and Dynamics of Parisian Industry in the Mid 19th century”, Journal of European Economic History vol. 23 (1994), pp. 263–328.
Toshio Kusamitsu, “British Industrialization and Design before the Great Exhibition”, Textile History vol. 12 (1981), pp. 77–95; Whitney Walton, France at the Crystal Palace: Bourgeois Taste and Artisan Manufacture in the Nineteenth Century (Berkeley, 1992), pp. 198–220 and Lara Kriegel, “Culture and the Copy: Calico, Capitalism, and Design Copyright in Early Victorian Britain”, Journal of British Studies vol. 43 (2004), pp. 233–65.
Espriella, “Letters” (1807), in Trench, ed., Travellers in Britain, p. 199. As Ferri di San Costante underlined “Il est certain que les manufacturiers de cette nation, sur-tout ceux qui travaillent à des articles de luxe, le font avec moins de goût que ceux de plusieurs autres nations”. Count Giovanni L. Ferri di San Costante, Londres et les Anglais (Paris, 1804), vol. iii, p. 235.
Say, England, pp. 40–1.
Francesco Lanza, Viaggio in Inghilterra e nella Scozia (Trieste, 1859), pp. 235–36.
Liliane Hilaire-Pérez and Marie Thébaud-Sorger, “Les techniques dans l'espace public: Publicités des inventions et littérature d'usage en France et en Angleterre au XVIIIe siècle”, Revue de Synthèse 2 (2006); Liliane Pérez , “Technology, Curiosity and Utility in France and England in the 18th Century”, in Christine Blondel and Bernadette Besaude-Vincent, eds., Nouvelle parution: Science and Spectacle in the European Enlightenment (Aldershot, 2008), pp. 25–42.
For the views on eighteenth-century English cities see: Göran Rydén, “Enlightened City, Industrial Towns. Swedish Views on Eighteenth Century Urban Development” (Paper presented at the conference “Les échanges techniques entre la France et l'Angleterre (XVIe-XIXe siècles): Réseaux, comparaisons, representations”, Paris, December 2006.
Malcolm Andrews, In Search of the Picturesque: Landscape Aesthetics and Tourism in Britain, 1760–1800 (Stanford, 1989), passim; Amanda Gilroy, Romantic Geographies: Discourses of Travel 1775–1844 (Manchester, 2000), pp. 4–5; James Buzard, “The Grand Tour and After (1660–1840)” in Peter Hulme and Tim Youngs, eds., The Cambridge Companion to Travel Writing (Cambridge, 2002), pp. 37–52, 42–7.
Toqueville, Journeys in England and Ireland, ed. Jacob Peter Mayer (London, 1958), p. 110.
In Schinkel, English Journeys, p. 13.
Friedrich Engels, The Condition of the Working Class in England in 1844 (London, [English ed. 1887] 1987), p. 67. See also Gareth Stedman Jones, “Voir sans entendre. Engels, Manchester et l'observation sociale en 1844”, Genèses vol. 22 (1996), pp. 4–17.
Bremer, England in 1851: or, Sketches of a Tour in England (Boulogne, 1853), p. 16. One cannot fail to notice how this is in line with the views of the “first generation” of economic historians of the industrial revolution such as Cole, the Hammonds and the Webbs.
Carl Gustav Carus, The King of Saxony's journey through England and Scotland in the year 1844 (London, 1846), p. 170.
Prince Pückler Muskau, Tour in England, Ireland and France in the Years 1826–29 (Philadelphia, 1833), p. 78; Francois Xavier Garneau, Voyage en Angleterre et en France, dans les années 1831, 1832 et 1833 (Quebec, 1855), pp. 294–5; Lanza, Viaggio in Inghilterra, pp. 190–1 and 235; Lobe, Cartas à mis hijos, p. 196; and Charles Samuel Stewart, Sketches of Society in Great Britain and Ireland (Philadelphia, 1835), p. 51.
Beltrami, Pilgrimage, p. 424.
Samuel Heinrich Spiker, Travels through England, Wales, and Scotland, in the Year 1816 (London, 1820), pp. 58–67.
Fisk, Travels, p. 503.
Heinrich Meidinger, Reisen durch Grossbritannien und Irland, vorzüglich in topographischer, kommerzieller und statistischer Hinsicht (Frankfurt am Main, 1828), p. 188; Jérôme Adolphe Blanqui, Voyage d'un jeune français en Angleterre et en Ecosse, pendant l'automne de 1823 (Paris, 1824), p. 99; Spiker, Travels, p. 235, See Louis Simond, Journal of a Tour and Residence in Great Britain during the Years 1810–1811 (Edinburgh, 1812), p. 279.
Kohl, Travels in England and Wales, p. 135.
Nathaniel Hazeltine Carter, Letters from Europe, Comprising the Journal of a Tour through Ireland, England, Scotland, France, Italy, and Switzerland, in 1825, '26 and '27 (New York, 1827), p. 95.
Chevalier, Society, Manners and Politics, p. 25.
Bremer, England in 1851, p. 64. See also Paul Langford, Englishness Identified: Manners and Character, 1650–1850 (Oxford, 2000), pp. 29–36.
This factor is examined by Stedman Jones, “National Bankruptcy”, pp. 31–60, and Rothschild, “English Kopf”. See also Katherine Turner, British Travel Writers in Europe 1750–1800: Authorship, Gender and National Identity (Aldershot, 2001), pp. 38–49.
Christian August Gottlieb Goede, The Stranger in England: Or, Travels in Great Britain . . . (London, 1807), vol. ii, p. 109. On eighteenth-century attitudes towards the English see: Linda Colley, Britons: Forging the Nation, 1707–1837 (New Haven and London, 1992), pp. 30–43 and David A. Bell, “Jumonville's death: war propaganda and national identity in eighteenth-century France” in Colin Jones and Dror Wahrman, eds., The Age of Cultural Revolutions: Britain and France, 1750–1820 (Berkeley, 2002), pp. 45–57.
Toqueville, Journeys in England and Ireland, pp. 90, 115.
Cit. in Wilson, ed., Strange Island, p. 197.
Baron Auguste Louis de Staël-Holstein, Letters on England (London, 1825), p. 18; Beltrami, Pilgrimage, p. 334. On the concept of kopf see Rothschild, “English Kopf”.
Voth, Time and Work in England 1750–1830 (Oxford, 2000), esp. pp. 1–16. On the intensification of work before the Industrial Revolution, see Jan de Vries, The Industrious Revolution: Consumer Behavior and the Household Economy, 1750 to the Present (Cambridge, 2008).
We are aware of two diaries of Indians who visited Britain in the early 1840s: Ardaseer Cursetjee, Diary of an Overland Journey from Bombay to England, and a Year's Residence in Great Britain (London, 1840); and Jehangeer Nowrojee and Hirjeebhoy Merwanjee, A Residence of Two Years and a Half in Great Britain (London 1841).We thank Alex Werner for these references. So far we have not found direct evidence of visitors from the Ottoman Empire. However Selim III was very interested in learning about Europe's industrial progress as for instance through the embassy sent to Paris. See Moralı Seyyid Alî efendi and Seyyid Abdürrahim Muhibb efendi, Deux ottomans à Paris sous le Directoire et l'Empire. Relations d'ambassade, trans. and ed. Stéphane Yérasimos (Le Méjan, 1998). We thank Onur Yildirim for this reference.
“nous pouvons le faire plus promptement encore, nous pouvons reprendre notre rang en profitant de son expérience comme elle a su profiter de la nôtre. Osons vouloir”. Cit. in Jones, Voyageurs Français, p. 142.
“il faut que la nature mette le temps nécessaire pour accomplir ses vastes desseins”. M. d'Avot, Lettres sur l'Angleterre, au Deux Années à Londres (Paris, 1821), p. 269. Von Raumer observed how “Other nations now move at an accelerated pace in the same track; but their advance is no loss to England”. Friedrich Ludwig Georg Von Raumer, England in 1835: Being a Series of Letters written to Friends in Germany during a Residence in London and Excursions into the Provinces (London, 1836), vol. ii, p. 210.
Henderson, Fischer, pp. 131 and 134.
Sismondi criticised that “The English nation has found it most economical to give up those modes of cultivation which require much hand-labour, and she has dismissed half the cultivators who lived in her fields; she has found it more economical to supersede workmen by steam-engines; she has dismissed, then employed, then dismissed again, the operatives in towns, and weavers giving place to power-looms, are now sinking under famine; she has found it more economical to reduce all working people to the lowest possible wages on which they can subsist”. Jean Charles Léonard Simonde de Sismondi, Political Economy and the Philosophy of Government; a Series of Essays Selected from the Works of Sismondi, ed. M. Mignet (London, 1847), p. 17. See also Maurice Rubichon, Of England (London, 1812), pp. 6–8; Simond, Journal of a Tour, vol. ii, pp. 214–15 and Giovanni Domenico Romagnosi, Del Trattamento de' Poveri e della Libertà Commerciale in Oggi Decretata in Inghilterra. Discorsi (Milan, 1829), pp. 45–7.
See for instance the scholarship of John Rule, The Labouring Classes in Early Industrial England (London, 1986).
Boyd Hilton, A Mad, Bad, and Dangerous People? England, 1793–1846 (Oxford, 2006), passim.
“malgré la pauvreté de la masse de ses habitants, la ville est une des plus riches de l'Angleterre”. Garneau, Voyage, p. 295.
Alexandre Auguste Ledru-Rollin, De la Décadence de l'Angleterre (Paris, 1850). Cit. in Ballam and Lewis, The Visitor's Book., p. 120.
Toqueville, Journeys in England and Ireland, p. 91.
Cit. in Wilson, ed., Strange Island, p. 165.
Say, England. A similar theory was supported also by Jérôme Adolphe Blanqui, Histoire de l'Économie Politique en Europe, depuis les Anciens jusqu'à Nos Jours . . . (Paris, 1837), pp. 232–8.
François Crouzet, “The Second Hundred Years War: Some Reflections”, French History vol. 10 (1996), pp. 432–450. See also Jeff Horn, The Path not Taken: French Industrialization in the Age of Revolution, 1750–1830 (Cambridge, MA, 2006).
Patrick K. O'Brien, and Caglar Keyder, Economic Growth in Britain and France, 1780–1914. Two Paths to the Twentieth Century (London, 1978), pp. 185–98. See also Anne Gambles, Protection and Politics: Conservative Economic Discourse, 1815–52 (Oxford, 1999) and Hilton, Mad, Bad, and Dangerous, esp. pp. 3–12.
Beltrami, Pilgrimage, p. 426.
Elkington, Relations, pp. 101–20.
Ballam and Lewis, The Visitor's Book, pp. 97–125.
Jones, Les Voyageurs Français, pp. 199–212.
Toqueville, Journeys in England and Ireland, p. 71.
ibid., p. 60.
Walter L. Arnstein, “A German View of English Society: 1851”, Victorian Studies vol. 16 (1972), p. 185.
ibid., p. 203.
Staël-Holstein, Letters, p. 41. See also A. Hiley, “German-Speaking Travellers in Scotland, 1800–1860, and Their Place in the History of European Travel Literature” (Unpub. Ph.D. Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1985), pp. 469–500.
Boyd Hilton and Ross Porters idea of “ungovernable people” take a very different stand on this issue. We are using the source to support the view that English hierarchy, deference and xenophobia supported a more peaceful and efficient transition. This is more in line with the historiography of Victorian Britain, rather than the industrial revolution. See Hilton, Bad, Mad, and Dangerous.
Robert E. Spiller, The American in England during the First Half Century of Independence (New York, 1926), p. 166.
Harvey, Collisions of Empires, pp. 79–90.
Jeff Horn, Path not Taken.
R. S. Alexander, Bonapartism and Revolutionary Tradition in France: the Fédérés of 1815 (Cambridge, 1991).
Romani, National Character, ch. 3; id., “Political Economy and Other Idioms: French Views on English Development”, European Journal of the History of Economic Thought vol. 9 (2002), pp. 359–83.
For a brief overview of Frenchmen's travels in England in the nineteenth century see Roe, French Travellers.
Stedman Jones, “National Bankruptcy”, pp. 71–2.
Tristan, Promenades, pp. 68–9. De Montulé also obseved how “sous le nom d'industrie ou de spéculation, condamne à des travaux forcés une partie de la population”. Édouard De Montulé, Voyage en Angleterre et en Russie (Paris, 1825), p. 103.
O'Brien and Keyder, Economic Growth, pp. 185–8. See also Robert B. Mowat, Americans in England (London, 1935); Allison Lockwood, Passionate Pilgrims: the American Traveler in Great Britain, 1800–1914 (London, 1981); Christopher Mulvey, Anglo-American Landscapes. a Study of Nineteenth-century Anglo-American Travel Literature (Cambridge, 1983); id., Transatlantic Manner: Social Patterns in Nineteenth-century Anglo-American Travel (Cambridge, 1990).
MacLellan, Journal of a Residence, p. 95.
Fisk, Travels, p. 492; John Griscom, A Year in Europe, Comprising a Journal of Observations in England, Scotland, Ireland, France, Switzerland, the North of Italy and Holland (New York, 1823), pp. 25–7.
Carter, Letters from Europe, p. 48; Henry Theodore Tuckerman, A Month in England (London, 1854), p. 62.
Mulvey, Transatlantic Manner, pp. 4–6.
Orville Dewey, The Old World and the New: or a Journal of Reflections and Observations Made on a Tour in Europe (London, 1836), vol. i, p. 55.
Elias Hasket Derby, Two Months Abroad: Or, a Trip to England, France, Baden, Prussia and Belgium (Boston, 1844), p. 6.
Carter, Letters from Europe, p. 75.
America & England Contrasted, or, The Emigrants Hand-book and Guide to the United States (London, ), p. i; Humphrey, Great Britain, p. 222; Benjamin Silliman, A Journal of Travels in England, Holland and Scotland and of Two Passages over the Atlantic in the Years 1805 and 1806 (Boston, 1812), p. 78. A point to be emphasised is that this is in line with our present knowledge that real wages in the United States were already higher than urban wages in England in the early nineteenth century. See also Robert C. Allen, The British Industrial Revolution in a Global Perspective (Cambridge, forthcoming 2009).
Mulvey, Anglo-American Landscapes, pp. 6 and 37; id., Transatlantic Manner, pp. 172–96.
Fisk, Travels, p. 605.
Allen, Practical Tourist, vol. i, pp. 153–4. See also Andrew Lees, Cities Perceived: Urban Society in European and American Thought, 1820–1940 (Manchester, 1985).
Frederick Law Olmsted, Walks and Talks of an American Farmer in England (London, 1852), pp. 50–65. See also Lawrence A. Peskin, Manufacturing Revolution: The Intellectual Origins of Early American Industry (Baltimore, 2003).
MacLellan, Journal of a Residence, p. 112.
Joshua E. White, Letters on England: Comprising Descriptive Scenes with Remarks on the State of Society, Domestic Economy, Habits of the People, and Condition of the Manufacturing Classes Generally (Philadelphia, 1816), vol. ii, pp. 218.
Walter Licht, Industrializing America: the Nineteenth Century (Baltimore and London, 1995), pp. 26–8.
Silliman, Journal of Travels in England, vol. i, pp. 78–9.
A recent book investigating the relationship between culture and technology in the early nineteenth century is Ben Marsden and Crosbie Smith, Engineering Empires: A Cultural History of Technology in Nineteenth-century Britain (Basingstoke, 2005).
See note 15.
See the debate between Berg & Hudson and Crafts & Harley: Nicholas F.R. Crafts and C.K. Harley, “Output Growth and the British Industrial Revolution: A Restatement of the Crafts-Harley View”, Economic History Review 45 (1992), pp. 703–30; Maxine Berg and Pat Hudson, “Rehabilitating the Industrial Revolution”, Economic History Review 45 (1992), pp. 24–50; Id., “Growth and change: a comment on the Crafts-Harley view of the Industrial Revolution”, Economic History Review 47 (1994), pp. 147–9.
On the modern concept of “unbalanced growth” see the chapters by Nick Crafts and Joel Mokyr in vol. 2 of Roderick Floud and Paul Johnson, eds., The Cambridge Economic History of Modern Britain (Cambridge, 2004).
See for instance Chevalier, Society, Manners and Politics. For modern analyses see Horn, Path not Taken; and Hilton, Bad, Mad, and Dangerous.
W. W. Rostow, The Stages of Economic Growth: A Non-Comunist Manifesto (Cambridge, 1960); Rondo Cameron, France and the Economic Development of Europe 1800–1914: Conquests of Peace and Seeds of War (Princeton, 1961); David S. Landes, The Unbound Prometheus: Technological Change and Industrial Development in Western Europe from 1750 to the Present (Cambridge, 1969). However Gerschenkron did not share this position: Alexander Gerschenkron, Economic Backwardness in Historical Perspective: A Book of Essays (Cambridge, MA, 1962).