Pharmaceutical firms attribute high prices and high profits to costs associated with researching and developing the next generation of life-saving drugs. Using data from annual reports, this article tests the validity of this claim. We find that while pharmaceutical firms do invest in R&D, they also enjoy strong rents; between 1988 and 2009, pharmaceuticals enjoyed profits of 3 to 37 times the all-industry average, depending on the years, while investing proportionately less in R&D than other high-R&D firms. Costs of pharmaceutical drugs have successfully flown below the radar in much of the current health care debate, with producers managing to obstruct alternative sourcing as well as payment cuts. While health care is examined for savings in other areas, sustained high pharmaceutical profits suggest that as a new health care policy develops in the U.S., the pharmaceutical industry should not be excluded from examination for significant savings in health care costs.

Throughout the past 30 years, there has been a lot of controversy surrounding the proliferation of new forms of health care delivery organizations that challenge and compete with general NFP community hospitals. Traditionally, the health care system in the United States has been dominated by general NFP (NFP) voluntary hospitals. With the number of for-profit general hospitals, physician-owned specialty hospitals, and ambulatory surgical centers increasing, a question arises: “Why is the general NFP community hospital the dominant model?” In order to address this question, this paper reexamines the history of the hospital industry. By understanding how the “general NFP hospital” model emerged and dominated, we attempt to explain the current dominance of general NFP hospitals in the ever changing hospital industry in the United States.

One of the enduring questions in history is why any group would choose to share power with another group. The granting of suffrage to American women in 1919 is one of those events in which we seek answers. I focus here on the diversity of women's economic provisioning functions, arguing that, because of that diversity, the granting of suffrage had more political benefits to the men in power and less political risks. The social provisioning status-quo, which had been threatened by the feminist voices of the 19^th century, must have seemed to be back under the control of the men in power. In order to consider economic provisioning and politics more specifically, I study the economic profile of women and the political cost/benefit thinking of male legislators in St. Louis, Missouri.

This article explores the nature of economic thinking among indigenous Americans prior to European contact using a methodology that can best be described as applied cultural materialism. The article begins with a discussion of the approach used to infer the economic thought in the preliterate societies that populated the USA before 1492. This analysis is followed with an overview of aboriginal economic practices and thinking. The article's third section—an interpretation of Amerindian economic thought—builds on the materials in the previous sections. The article concludes with two case studies: Cahokia and the Iroquois.

Past studies have dismissed the claim that retail enterprise among blacks in the urban North during the early 20^th century was suppressed by competition from white immigrant merchants. The present investigation reconsiders the suppression hypothesis, applying the concepts of “niche overlap” and “competitive exclusion” from the literature on ethnic competition. An analysis of Census data on large northern cities offers some support for the hypothesis. The level of retail entrepreneurship of black men was negatively associated with that of white immigrant men in 1910 and 1920, implying that black retail enterprise at these time-points was discouraged by the presence of white immigrant merchants. These negative associations, though, were only moderately significant in a substantive sense, and there was no evidence that a reduction of white immigrant merchants would have produced substantial gains for blacks in the retail trade, as many black entrepreneurs and activists at the time had claimed.

This article examines the ethnic minorities integration policies as implemented in France and the Netherlands. This study will be based on an institutionalist approach relying on North's analytical framework in order to explain the recent changes in these policies. I emphasize the existence of four patterns of social integration: reciprocity, redistribution, exchange, and coercion. I will also be insisting on the importance of ideology and the way it has evolved over time. This theoretical framework is then used to “tell the story” of the two countries. While France's historical and ideological backgrounds have forced it to adopt a universalist view and fight against communautarisme, the Dutch position was quite different as it does not deny the ethnic minorities cultural and religious freedom. Nevertheless, there is a hardening of the dominant ideology taking place in France. As to the Netherlands, there is a noticeable shift in the government's attitude toward ethnic minorities.

Geographical clustering of economic activity and business firms was first incisively and extensively analyzed by Alfred Marshall in his seminal text on economics (1890). However, Porter's Diamond model (1990, 1998) remains the paradigm model for cluster formation in modern economies. Developments in the economics of geography, institutional economics, and strategic management indicate that Porter's and others' models of cluster formation may be incomplete. The Global Economic Management System (GEMS) model of cluster formation and sustainability extends scholarly work in this area by outlining a comprehensive model of cluster formation and testing its robustness against data collected from a sample of global cluster managers. The results indicate the significance of a number of hitherto ignored factors in cluster success and provide guidelines for policy makers, cluster managers, and international firm managers for location decisions and cluster formation.

This essay reviews four of the central themes in Emily Chamily-Wright's The Cultural and Political Economy of Recovery. These themes include: (1) the cultural toolkit, (2) the use of qualitative methods in social science research, (3) polycentricism and disaster recovery, and (4) entrepreneurship in non-priced environments. Our purpose is twofold. First, to make clear Chamlee-Wright's contributions to our understanding of disaster recovery. Second, to demonstrate how these themes provide an opportunity for interdisciplinary exchange by blending insights from across the social sciences.