What we know about anticonsumption: An attempt to nail jelly to the wall

Despite burgeoning academic interest in anticonsumption, a lack of definitional clarity and overlapping constructs beleaguer the pertinent literature, preventing research in the field from reaching its full potential. This paper aims to strengthen the foundations for advancing knowledge in this fragmented field by (a) undertaking a thorough systematic review of literature; (b) charting the scope of anticonsumption literature based on network analysis and attempting to delineate overlapping areas; (c) providing an integrated framework of anticonsumption research, including antecedents, moderators, and consequences; and (d) suggesting a set of specific research propositions that will enable the field to move forward. Toward these aims, we analyzed 120 anticonsumption papers revealed in the literature review, identifying a number of important anticonsumption ‐ related topics that warrant further investigation. Moreover, we suggest a research framework which reveals antecedents, causal sequences, and consequences of anticonsumption. Finally, a research agenda based on this integrated framework indicates promising areas for future research.

, and psychology (e.g., Seegebarth et al., 2016), but it also appears in some specialized domains, such as food science (e.g., Allen, Goddard, & Farmer, 2018;Vinegar, Parker, & McCourt, 2016).A large body of research is conducted in the domain of marketing, and here mainly in consumer research.Despite all the interdisciplinary efforts, the field is characterized by partial-theoretical paradigms in isolated empirical approaches.As a comprehensive anticonsumption framework is still missing, we propose an integrated research framework for studying anticonsumption and structuring future research.To overcome the limited focus, the conceptual framework rests on a nomological network that captures the causes, consequences and boundary conditions of the phenomenon.The framework illustrated in Figure 1 seeks to reduce complexity to provide a parsimonious way of looking at the anticonsumption literature.We first discuss the general outline of the framework; specific components are discussed in subsequent sections and-grounded in a comprehensive literature review and network analysis-concrete propositions are developed to advance future research on the various facets of anticonsumption.
As we will explain in greater detail, the framework includes three main categories of mechanisms.The first is marked by the question of how drivers (antecedents) of anticonsumption translate into manifestations of anticonsumption behavior.We expect that these factors operate at different levels, such as factors related to the individual (e.g., self-consciousness, past experience) and those related to the collective level (e.g., society, environment).As a second layer, we consider the moderators that qualify the presence or strength of the driver's impact on actual anticonsumption behaviors.In particular, sociocultural, institutional, or economic factors should come into play, as they are known to cause (or bridge) the attitude-behavior gap that is also prevalent in the anticonsumption domain.Finally, as a third category of mechanisms, the framework captures the downstream consequences of anticonsumption which are, again, suggested to occur at different levels.Anticonsumption is suggested to have implications at the micro (e.g., personal well-being) and meso (e.g., firm performance), as well as macro levels (e.g., country).
To substantiate our framework and identify ways forward for research (especially developing concrete research propositions), we conduct a domain-based literature review across the field of anticonsumption, which builds on a closer analysis of its network structure.A detailed overview of anticonsumption studies included in this review is given in the Appendix.

| STATE-OF-THE-ART IN ANTICONSUMPTION RESEARCH
To the best of our knowledge, this study is the first to synthesize the literature on anticonsumption.We conducted a two-stage systematic review (Palmatier, Houston, & Hulland, 2018;Watson, Wilson, Smart, & Macdonald, 2018) with the aim to identify relevant studies and provide an in-depth analysis of this literature.The analysis was carried out on the content level, seeking to identify patterns, clusters, and relationships among constructs.

| Research approach
We adopted a systematic review process to ensure replicability (Popay et al., 2006).In the planning stage, relevant studies were sought in the scientific literature (i.e., peer-reviewed journals).An initial scoping of the literature allowed us to identify keywords for search strings.The definition by Lee et al. (2011) guided this study, and their distinction of three nonexclusive anticonsumption phenomena (reject, restrict, and reclaim) informed the development of our search strings.Thus, apart from the obvious keywords (i.e., "anticonsumption," "anticonsumption," "anti consumption"), terms suitable to capture the anticonsumption dimensions of "rejecting, restricting and reclaiming," with an emphasis on "being against/being anti," were also included.Table 1 summarizes all the search strings used.

| Searching
The Web of Science (Core Collection) database was used to identify articles containing the search strings presented in Table 1.Web of Science was searched for articles with titles, abstracts, keywords, and "keywords plus" (additional relevant but overlooked keywords not listed by the author or publisher).The initial search was already F I G U R E 1 A conceptual framework of anticonsumption research [Color figure can be viewed at wileyonlinelibrary.com] informed by the inclusion and exclusion criteria "Language" and "Type of Literature" (Table 1).The latter included article, abstract of published item, and review.At this stage, 383 results were identified.

| Screening
Based on the aims of this review, as well as on Lee et al.'s (2011) extended conceptualization of anticonsumption research, a number of inclusion and exclusion criteria for identifying the final group of articles were established.Table 1 also summarizes these criteria.An initial screening of titles and abstracts, informed by the inclusion and exclusion criteria, resulted in the retention of 132 articles.Once a paper was deemed appropriate for inclusion, the reference lists were reviewed to spot additional published material, aiming to ensure the completeness of the literature search; this directed us to 16 more papers.The retained 148 manuscripts were cross-checked by all three authors in terms of suitability, based on the inclusion/exclusion criteria.Our extended definition of anticonsumption emphasizes intentional and meaningful exclusion, or the reduction or reuse of certain goods with the goal of avoiding consumption, as unique characteristics of the construct that differentiates it from other related constructs.Consequently, we excluded any literature in which anticonsumption is perceived as unintentional or nonvoluntary and not driven by deliberate motives and attitudes.By unintentional or nonvoluntary anticonsumption we mean specific cases when a person cannot consume for various reasons: (a) sociodemographic factors such as age or poverty, or (b) norms such as not drinking alcohol during pregnancy or not eating fat for health reasons, or (c) incidental reasons such as situational unavailability or inaccessibility of a product/brand.This second screening led to the retention of 120 relevant articles for the purposes of this review: 33 quantitative, 83 qualitative or theoretical papers, and four editorials.

| Extraction and synthesis
Next, we extracted content from these 120 articles and summarized the information in terms of type of study, method used, type of anticonsumption behavior, and conclusions (Appendix).Afterward, the relevant literature was synthesized in more depth to organize it conceptually.Based on the integration of information provided by the identified articles, we enriched our framework of anticonsumption and make specific proposals for future researchers.

| Research outlets and publication trends
We initially identified outlets that shape the field of anticonsumption and contribute to its expansion.This is helpful for scholars seeking publication opportunities.The reviewed articles are spread across multiple disciplines and journals.Table 2 shows the resulting average ranking position of the journals.The 120 articles come from 33 journals in total, 18 of which include only one article.The T A B L E 1 Search strings, inclusion and exclusion criteria Search strings TS = (anticonsum* OR anti-consum* OR "anti consum*" OR "against consumerism" OR "against consumption" OR "anti*$consum*" OR ("reject*" NEAR/0 "consumption") OR ("reject*" NEAR/0 "consumerism") OR ("reclaim*" NEAR/0 "consumerism") OR ("consumer* AND reject*") OR ("consumer* AND reclaim*") OR ("reclaim*" NEAR/0 "consumption") OR ("restrict*" NEAR/0 "consumption") OR ("restrict*" NEAR/0 "consumerism") OR ("consumer* AND restrict*") Relevance *) Anything directly relevant to the objectives of the review; *) Anticonsumption in terms of (temporary) possessing and/or consuming material and non-material goods; *) Any manifestation of consumerism that includes being against something intentionally and voluntary and/or at least having negative emotions/attitudes toward consumption, which may also manifest in reject, restrict, and reclaim consumption; *) Behavior rooted in being anti, being against as a reason for anticonsumption or choosing explicitly a specific product category or specific way of consumption, one automatically avoiding another with reference to anticonsumption or being against consumption *) Anything not directly relevant to the objectives of the reviewanti-consumption of alcohol, anti-consumption to increase health, to lose weight, etc.); *) Any manifestation of unintentional and involuntary anti-consumption; *) Any manifestation of consumerism that does not include being against something or preferring a specific product category or way of consumption without framing in anti-consumption or being against consumption majority derived from journals broadly representing three marketing subareas: (a) general marketing and marketing application (e.g.,  Next, we analyse how the topic evolved throughout the period 2000-2019, using 3-year intervals (Figure 2).When interpreting

| The scope of anticonsumption research
The multifaceted conceptualization of anticonsumption, which derives from the definition of the concept (rejection, resistance, reclaim), implies a variety of manifestations and is linked to conceptually related constructs.Following a careful content analysis of the current literature, we identified major streams of anticonsumption research and the most frequently emerging subdomains.
Notably, the vast majority of academic studies, especially those published in the early 2000s, investigated green/sustainable, ethical/ moral, and alternative consumption through the lens of anticonsumption.While anticonsumption is a large umbrella that can comprise different topics, it is also important to understand the ways in which these closely associated concepts differ from anticonsumption.Despite some overlaps among concepts, Chatzidakis and Lee (2013) argue that anticonsumption is a distinct perspective.To resolve the conceptual confusion, we delineate the extent to which overlapping concepts fit under the umbrella of anticonsumption or not (Table 3).We also briefly elaborate on the unique characteristics of each concept and point to certain circumstances under which they should be studied separately.
Prosocial behaviors reflect consumption of goods and/or services with attributes that involve benefits for the planet (e.g., green/ sustainable consumption), the society at large (e.g., ethical/moral consumption), or both (e.g., alternative consumption).As shown in Table 3, these behaviors are often examined from a consumptionreduction lens.Some consumers affirm their anticonsumption attitudes through green/sustainable, ethical/moral or alternative consumption, and/or lifestyle choices (such as buying environmentally friendly brands).Despite this overlap, the concept differs in that anticonsumption is predominantly concerned with "reasons against" rather than "reasons for" consumption (Chatzidakis & Lee, 2013;Lee et al., 2009), that is, the focus is on reasons for avoiding specific brands, products, or product categories.It should be noted though

Conceptual cluster
F I G U R E 3 Distribution of reviewed publications by methodological approach and conceptual cluster that alternative consumption, unless practised because of explicit prosocial reasons, should not be conflated with anticonsumption.
Cases in which consumers turn to alternative options because of their greater appeal or for even egoistic reasons (i.e., Ozanne & Ballantine, 2010) should not be considered manifestations of anticonsumption behavior.
In its very extreme form, anticonsumption attitudes can be expressed through consumer resistance, where consumers oppose a dominant force, but this is not always the case for anticonsumption acts.While anticonsumption might also be situationally motivated by symbolic incongruity, negative experiences, or value inadequacy (Lee et al., 2009b), an antagonist is necessary for resistance to manifest, be it a hegemonic company or consumer society as a whole (Cherrier et al., 2011).In addition, consumer resistance can sometimes take the form of active behavior in the marketplace and can be expressed through, rather than against, consumption (Fournier, 1998;Lee et al., 2011;Penaloza & Price, 1993).Certain consumers deliberately switch to certain brands or products in a concerted action to support changes within the organization for the benefit of the environment or society-so-called "buycotts" (Hoffmann, Balderjahn, Seegebarth, Mai, & Peyer, 2018).In these cases, consumption also helps to express resistance against power imbalances within the marketplace (Cromie & Ewing, 2009;Herrmann, 1993).For example, consumers may oppose the dominant channel of intermediaries in the dairy industry by purchasing directly from producers.
Voluntary simplicity refers to the reduction (or simplification) of consumption patterns by free will, to limit expenditures on consumer goods and services and to cultivate nonmaterialistic sources of satisfaction and meaning (Etzioni, 1999).The concept is an inwardly directed movement that promotes voluntary asceticism as a means of attaining a more fulfilling life.According to Huneke (2005), it represents an anticonsumption lifestyle adopted by individuals who want to avoid consumption, by buying less and/or simply using resources more efficiently.Still, although voluntary simplifiers engage in anticonsumption through minimizing consumption of material goods, they also display a unique characteristic, which is to engage in exercising self-reliance and developing their intellect and other nonmaterial facets of human existence (Zavestoski, 2002).
Boycotts represent an extreme case of ethical-consumption behavior in which consumers collectively refrain from purchasing certain products (Klein, Smith, & John, 2004).Boycotters collectively punish companies for unacceptable behavior by not buying their products (Friedman, 1985); this implies a commitment to re-enter the relationship once certain conditions are met, such as a change of policy by the offending party (Hirschman, 1970).Hence, boycotting presents with an expiration date, which signals the recovery of balance in the marketplace.In anticonsumption, by contrast, there is no expectation of the consumption relationship resuming.
Within the domain of symbolic consumption, research suggests that individuals seek to construct their identities and self-concepts through the brands they consume (Aaker, 1999).Of the many works in the area of self-concept, the "undesired self" (Ogilvie, 1987) is the psychological construct most relevant to anticonsumption, with consumers rejecting specific products/brands or consumption habits at large that are not perceived as congruent with their self-concept.
However, there are numerous occasions when the symbolic reasons for consuming may not be the logical opposite of avoiding consumption (Chatzidakis & Lee, 2013).It is in such cases that anticonsumption theory as "reasons against" consumption may contribute, by offering new insights into marketplace motivations.
Finally, researchers stress that knowing what consumers do not want is just as valuable as knowing what they want (Banister & Hogg, 2004).Englis and Solomon (1997)  In what follows, we substantiate the conceptual framework of anticonsumption research by integrating findings from the reviewed publications, with the aim to identify research gaps that will provide an agenda to advance future research in the field.

| Substantiating the comprehensive anticonsumption framework
To elaborate on the developed framework, we synthesized the current body of knowledge of the phenomenon of anticonsumption based on our literature review.Our conceptual framework was enriched and substantiated by the findings of the reviewed papers (Figure 4).Still, it should be noted that the lists of drivers, moderators, and consequences are by no means exhaustive; Figure 4 depicts a framework to look at the anticonsumption research in a parsimonious way.Next, we discuss the framework's specific components and their relationships.
The importance of analysing anticonsumption phenomena stems from the idea that drivers, notions, and manifestations differ from those of consumption (Chatzidakis & Lee, 2013).Current literature in the field is mainly occupied with studying reasons against consumption (Chatzidakis & Lee, 2013;Iyer & Muncy, 2009;Kozinets, Handelman, & Lee, 2010;Lee et al., 2009a).An individual who decides to perform certain anticonsumption actions is not only lacking motivation to consume (reasons for), but may also have stronger motivations for not consuming (reasons against).Our literature review substantiated that anticonsumption drivers operate at different levels, that is, individual and collective-level drivers and motivations.
Anticonsumers on the collective level display high concern over the negative impact of excessive consumption on society and the environment (Cherrier & Murray, 2007;Dobscha, 1998;Ozanne & Ballantine, 2010), and are inclined toward using their consumer power to reject products or brands which are unsustainable (Black & Cherrier, 2010) or believed to harm society (Chatzidakis & Lee, 2013).Individuals driven by such motivations engage in anticonsumption behavior for the collective good of the society or even humanity.
In a similar vein, the review revealed that anticonsumption behavior has various consequences that concern individuals (micro level), organizations (meso level) or even societies, nations and the environment (macro level).Indeed, the literature review corroborates that satisfaction in consuming less (McGouran & Prothero, 2016), life satisfaction (Iyer & Muncy, 2016), happiness (Zavestoski, 2002), and general well-being (Lee & Ahn, 2016) are some of the ascertained consequences of anticonsumption in individuals.At a meso level, anticonsumption behavior might impact firms in terms of their image or reputation, and affect their sales and profitability.In a similar fashion, stakeholders such as marketers and public policymakers may also be affected.For instance, strategies employed by marketers should be revised to respond to and manage anticonsumption practices (Izberk-Bilgin, 2010).Finally, anticonsumption is suggested to contribute toward developing a more sustainable society (Black, 2010).Consumers' opposition to brands, companies, nations, or even consumption as a whole can exert influence and bring about change in existing practices and policies that have to do with countries, society and the environment (García- de-Frutos et al., 2018).
Research has shown that across a range of anticonsumption behaviors, general attitudes tend to be poor predictors of behavior (Ajzen, 1991).Even if some consumers have strong anticonsumption attitudes, they may not translate this into actual behavior, revealing an attitude-behavior gap.Several inhibitors of anticonsumption behavior have been suggested, such as level of materialism (Ozanne & Ballantine, 2010), perceived risk of product scarcity (Lamberton & Rose, 2012), propensity to pay a premium price for ethical products (Sudbury & Böltner, 2011), and a perceived lack of availability of sustainable products (Vermeir & Verbeke, 2008), to name a few.In addition to cognitive explanations, there are also sociocultural and institutional factors that might negatively moderate whether consumers align their actions with endorsed attitudes (i.e., the attitude-behavior relationship).Several scholars have even questioned whether distancing oneself from consumerism within capitalistic societies is feasible (Arnould, 2007;Kozinets, 2002).First, the drivers, and particularly those operating at the micro level, are strongly examined with regard to anticonsumption.
Although there are some links with specific behaviors (e.g., consumer resistance), these drivers have mostly been explored in isolation.
Even more important, certain levels of decision-making seem so far to have been completely ignored, such as automatic responses shaping consumption behaviors at implicit levels.Second, regarding specific behaviors, the network analysis reveals that certain behaviors (e.g., brand/product avoidance, green/sustainable consumption) are already tied to anticonsumption drivers and/or consequences, whereas symbolic, alternative, and ethical/moral consumption have only very few ties.At present, these appear not to be central to the anticonsumption field, even though they might be.This is an interesting finding, because current research seems driven by a focus on environmental issues (green/sustainable), while   product usage and product life-extension and disposal, which also significantly represents a reduction of consumption (Pieters, 1991).The way consumers keep, repair, or maintain products has an impact on product life and therefore on product replacement (Cherrier, 2010).Decisions about when and how to dispose of a product, especially where disposal can lead to alternate or another person's use, may also lower consumption.For instance, consumers can prolong the life of clothes via clothing exchanges (Albinsson & Perera, 2009) or dispose of used or unwanted goods through disposal modes such as flea markets and auctions (Cheetham, 2009).In a similar vein, decisions to repair rather than replace a defective product effects consumption reduction (Scott & Weaver, 2012).
Apart from recycling, upcycling and reusing practices, which focus on the postconsumption stage, new practices have emerged that precede the purchase decision (Bekin, Carrigan, & Szmigin, 2007) -"precycling," for instance, aims to reduce waste by buying in bulk or rejecting excessively packaged products (Elgaaïed-Gambier, 2016;Monnot, Reniou, Parguel, & Elgaaied-Gambier, 2019).As such, precycling is a form of anticonsumption lifestyle occurring in the preconsumption process and manifesting recent trends such as zerowaste or waste prevention.Another example of a new practice is "repurposing," defined as "the application of an object to a purpose other than that for which it was originally intended, the alteration of an object to enhance its esthetics, or a combination of these to increase the value of a valueless or degraded object" (Scott & Weaver, 2018, p. 293).Repurposing as a notion is tied to antic- Neglect of drivers that are nonconsumer-related  that determine as to whether consumers act upon their intentions.
Research, for example, shows that consumption patterns benefitting the environment and society at large are spontaneously associated with a lack of strength (Luchs, Naylor, Irwin, & Raghunathan, 2010).
Such automatically triggered thoughts weaken the extent to which consumers align their consumption with their sustainability consciousness (Mai, Hoffmann, Lasarov, & Buhs, 2019).It is therefore plausible that anticonsumption is hindered by thoughts that go unnoticed by the individual and which moderate the promoters' effects.Such implicit processes are important for explaining human behavior (Evans, 2006) and have considerable implications for the business world (Kahneman, 2003).Here, it will be interesting to contrast the widely examined (explicit) drivers with inhibitors that operate more automatically and spontaneously.For example, it is possible that spontaneously activated doubts about anticonsumption behaviors inhibit a strongly expressed motivation stemming from environmental concerns, or social convictions may be less likely translated into anticonsumption behaviors.For these reasons, we suggest that current theory should consider ways in which implicit and/or subliminal thoughts may be automatically activated during consumption; this may help to understand why expressed attitudes, intentions and beliefs do not always translate into action.
Proposition 3. What are the boundary conditions inhibiting the translation of anticonsumption attitudes into actual anticonsumption behaviors?We suggest implicitly activated thoughts to moderate whether previously identified drivers lead to actual anticonsumption behaviors.

Relative importance of reasons against versus reasons for
Within the existing literature, debate remains over the commitment of anticonsumers to anticonsumption (e.g., Shaw, McMaster, & Newholm, 2016;Sudbury-Riley & Kohlbacher, 2016).For instance, quality, price and value for money can be stronger incitements "for" purchasing than ethical considerations (Carrigan, Szmigin, & Wright, 2004).Consequently, more research is needed to clarify the circumstances under which "reasons for" outweigh "reasons against," and vice versa.From prior research, we know that aspects related to approaching and avoiding an action have different implications (e.g., loss vs. gain frames; Ariely, Huber, & Wertenbroch, 2005;McGraw, Larsen, Kahneman, & Schkade, 2010).This should also apply to the anticonsumption domain, where some individuals may be driven by "reasons for" and a gain of benefits (e.g., social status, prestige).
However, individuals can also be driven by "reasons against" consumption, which for a large majority, arguably, implies "losing" the option to demand desired goods or services.

Country markets, origin, and cultures
Analyzing anticonsumption in the nexus of economic development may offer fertile research avenues.Consumer culture differs significantly between Western advanced societies and developing nations.How do these differences inform and shape anticonsumption discourses?For instance, materialism has long been ubiquitous in the developed world, but it is also gaining a foothold within segments of developing nations (Awanis, Schlegelmilch, & Cui, 2017;Burroughs et al., 2013).In turn, materialism, which can be perceived in conflict with traditional values such as simplicity (i.e., Eckhardt & Mahi, 2012), has paved the way for the gradual acceptance of anticonsumption practices in developing countries (Khan & Lee, 2014).
Researchers have pointed out the importance of understanding the differing mechanisms of anticonsumption practices, such as resistance and sustainable consumption, across particular markets, rather than attempting to generalize consumer society as a whole (Holt, 2002).
Closely linked to this, ethnocentrism is an under-researched potential facilitator of several anticonsumption manifestations.For ethnocentric consumers, product origin is vital, while consumers with strong patriotic feelings tend to avoid purchasing foreign products (Shimp & Sharma, 1987).Political or historical conflicts among nations cultivate consumer animosity, which in turn can motivate avoidance, resistance or even boycott affecting brands of a particular culture or country of origin (Khan & Lee, 2014;Klein, Ettenson, & Morris, 1998).Consumer culture and country-related cognitions may moderate the extent to which anticonsumption motivators translate into practice.(Hofstede, 1980) or Schwartz (1994) to provide insights into cultural specifics regarding the meaning and nature of anticonsumption practices.Recent research provides first indications for a powerful moderating role of culture.For example, a multicountry study by Lasarov et al. (2019) shows that country collectivism/individualism moderates how far environmentally motivated consumption reduction is impeded by counter-argument.

Conspicuous versus nonconspicuous anticonsumption
It is widely accepted that consumers purchase products not only for functional or utilitarian purposes, but also for symbolic benefits.As our network analysis pointed out (Figure 6), symbolic consumption is currently short on research and very few ties to other anticonsumption concepts have been uncovered.A potential inhibitor of anticonsumption behavior might be the lack of observable signaling, which is usually a feature of traditional consumption activities.
Product-signaling has been found to be a particularly strong motivator in certain product categories, such as luxury brands (Veblen, 1899) and green products (Griskevicius, Tybur, & Van den Bergh, 2010).Some manifestations of anticonsumption, such as prosocial sustainable consumption, can confer symbolic status benefits for consumers, as they imply personal costs for the benefit of others, or of society, and/or the planet.On the other hand, mixed messages may occur with other forms of anticonsumption, such as

| Consequences of anticonsumption
The consequences of different anticonsumption manifestations remain largely under-investigated.Chatzidakis and Lee (2013) note that the very nature of anticonsumption consequences makes them less observable and harder to identify and measure than positive consumer decisions.They further point out the relative scarcity of acts against consumption and link this to a tendency of scholars to attribute various behaviors to anticonsumption, even when they may not be driven by expressed counter-consumption motivations and attitudes.
Our framework suggests that different anticonsumption behaviors result in different consequences, implying that the predictive power of these manifestations may vary and may interact.
As such, individual-level practices might have concrete implications for the macro-level economy.Recently, Arancibia et al. (2019) examined the impact of reduced inner-city car traffic (initiated by replacing on-street parking with bike lanes), finding increased customer spending.Nonetheless, research on the identification and estimation of anticonsumption consequences is still scanty, especially compared to the identification of drivers.In particular, the macro-level outcomes of various anticonsumption manifestations seem to escape researchers' attention.In general, more conclusive research is needed to shed light on the relative importance of different anticonsumption implications at micro, meso and macro levels.
A similar issue must be noted with regard to the isolated focus on certain categories or actions that currently dominate relevant research.Humans are prone to employ licensing strategies (Khan & Dhar, 2006).As such, one specific anticonsumption behavior may be interpreted as a licence to legitimize norm-inconsistent anomic behaviors in other domains.In this way, anticonsumption can have implications across domains (e.g., spill-over effects), with contravening consequences at the micro-, meso-, and macro-level.Thus, a more holistic perspective capturing the breadth and depth of anticonsumption patterns is required.
Proposition 6.The consequences of anticonsumption need further investigation.While some indications of consequences exist at the micro and meso levels, insights into the consequences at the macro level are also needed.

| CONCLUSION
Anticonsumption represents a potential challenge that may undermine marketing efforts, especially from a marketing practitioners' point of view.However, it may also offer an opportunity to arrive at more sustainable levels of consumption, and can be positive from an environmental perspective.This study project conducted an extensive literature review to better understand the challenges and opportunities of anticonsumption, aiming in particular to identify key streams of research that have emerged on the topic of anticonsumption and to explore how the field has evolved over time.In To sum up, this paper represents the first attempt to systematize the information conveyed by researchers in the field of anticonsumption.Crucially also, our review highlights the importance of anticonsumption as a worthy field of investigation that can and should be approached at different levels of aggregation, both regarding the scope of anticonsumption practices and the contexts of its research.Such an improved understanding, from a public-policy viewpoint, will hopefully also inform policies targeting its opposite pole, over-consumption.Highly materialistic consumers view consumption as a route to happiness, success and desirability (Belk, 1985;Richins & Dawson, 1992) or even as a means to demonstrate social benevolence (Awanis et al., 2017); a good grasp of anticonsumption motivations could help policymakers steer such consumers away from over-consumption, which ultimately leads to low subjective well-being (Richins & Dawson, 1992) and reduced life satisfaction (Burroughs & Rindfleisch, 2002).Thus, a clear grasp of the precedents, implications and corollaries of anticonsumption should ultimately bring positive effects on collective welfare.

APPENDIX Review findings
Author (year) Journal of Marketing, Journal of Business Research), (b) consumer behavior and consumer policy (e.g., Journal of Consumer Research, Psychology & Marketing), and (c) environmental or ethical issues (e.g., Journal of Cleaner Production, Journal of Business Ethics).

Figure 2 ,
Figure 2, we see a spike in the number of publications during the period 2009-2011.This can be explained by four special issues published during this period: Journal of Business Research (2009), Consumption, Markets and Culture (2010), Journal of Consumer Behavior (2010), and European Journal of Marketing (2011).It should be noted that the last interval is shorter, as only published work from January 2018 to January 2019 has been taken into account.Still, we can see that from 2015 onward, interest appears to be increasing, especially taking into account that only two special issues have been published since: Journal of Consumer Affairs (2016) and Journal of Public Policy and Marketing (2018).This tendency manifests the need for authors

F
I G U R E 2 A distribution of reviewed publications over time (2000-2019) [Color figure can be viewed at wileyonlinelibrary.com]

F
I G U R E 4 Summary of previous research findings RESEARCH Substantiating the framework from the prior studies and integrating the reviewed literature allowed us to identify gaps in current knowledge.With a view to deriving specific gaps, Figure 5 provides a numerical analysis of the investigated relationships between drivers(individual and collective level) and anticonsumption manifestations, and anticonsumption manifestations and their consequences (micro, meso, and macro level), as well as moderating variables.Importantly also, these relationships are classified per conceptual cluster by using the most prominent manifestations of anticonsumption indicated in our review (Figure3).Figure6visually supplements the numerical analysis, displaying the intensity of these relationships.In conjunction, Figures5 and 6reveal some important shortcomings of existing research on anticonsumption.
social or moral issues, as well as the symbolic meaning of consumption, are under-researched.Third, compared to drivers of anticonsumption behavior, its consequences and implications have received far less attention and few ties to specific anticonsumption behaviors have emerged.Consequently, knowledge about how the Number of papers examining drivers and consequences of anticonsumption and moderating variables, classified by conceptual cluster F I G U R E 6 Network plot of anticonsumption research (line width = number of studies in which both were examined together) [Color figure can be viewed at wileyonlinelibrary.com] effects of specific behaviors may differ is sparse.It is plausible to assume that certain behaviors, such as brand/product avoidance, have greater implications at the meso level for companies, while others more strongly affect the macro level, such as consumer activism leading to specific improvements for the environment or society at large.Likewise, other aspects may be more strongly tied to micro-level consequences, such as consumer happiness induced by voluntary simplicity.Given the lack of ties and gaps uncovered in the network analysis, these differential effects remain hidden beneath the surface.Building on the above observations, we developed and structured propositions that provide avenues for future research in terms of both theory development and methodological improvements.In what follows, we first elaborate on the theoretical propositions for future research and second on the methodological.

4. 1
| Theoretical propositions 4.1.1| Drivers of anticonsumption manifestation Neglect of the dynamic perspective Thus far, the anticonsumption literature has focussed on a consumer's initial product choice or nonchoice.Although more research is needed to better understand the motivations of such anticonsumption decisions, a striking gap exists in the literature regarding consumers' postchoice behavior.This gap includes onsumption and represents a new form of reuse and reclaim at the usage stage.Disentangling the different phases of the anticonsumption process is central to improving anticonsumption theory, because we know from other types of consumption behaviors that human decisions are being guided differently in each phase.For example, consumers draw different conclusions about a product and value different attributes when forming judgments before and after consuming it(Mai, Symmank, & Seeberg-Elverfeldt, 2016).It seems therefore fruitful to distinguish the psychological hurdles to anticonsumption.The dichotomous decision to participate in anticonsumption (yes vs. no) may be determined by different processes than decisions concerning the extent of such behavior.It is even possible that predictors may have opposite impact on participation decisions (i.e., positive) and extent decisions (negative), as found in other contexts (e.g., residential heating:Hediger, Farsi, & Weber, 2018).A third psychological hurdle seems even more important in the anticonsumption context: once the anticonsumption decision has been taken and put in action, the question of when and how long the behavior is practiced becomes relevant.While for participation and extent decisions certain convictions might be more relevant (e.g., environment concerns), setting up and maintaining a schedule by which to avoid certain products may be more strongly guided by aspects such as self-efficacy, perseverance, and the availability of alternatives, among other factors.Consequently, our understanding of anticonsumption motivations should not be limited to the rejection or restriction of material possessions at the initial consumption stages.We suggest that shifting the focus on the dynamics of anticonsumption behavior opens up several new theoretical avenues.Additional research pertaining to the pre-, middle-, and end-stages of consumption should shed light on alternative manifestations and effects of the various anticonsumption drivers.Proposition 1. Considering the full consumption cycle will provide a wider understanding of motivations (either at the individual or the collective level) towards anticonsumption.Hence, we propose to research all stages of the consumption cycle (including pre-and postpurchase) to gain a better understanding of the drivers of anticonsumption behavior.

4. 1 . 2 |
From motivators to behavior: Moderating variablesBridging the attitude-behavior gapThe attitude-behavior gap is extremely problematic in the context of anticonsumption and it has direct effects on socially and environmentally responsible agents and prosocial public policymakers.It would be extremely useful for marketers to identify those normative influences that account for the attitude-behavior conflict of anticonsumers.For these reasons, further research is needed to identify anticonsumption-specific boundary conditions, whether cultural factors, social norms or institutional contexts, which can improve our understanding of inconsistencies between anticonsumption attitudes and behavior.Our review of the current marketing literature clearly identified a host of factors for bridging the gap at different levels.These can be broadly distinguished into factors related to the individual (e.g., selfconsciousness, past experience) and those related to the collective level (e.g., society, environment).Yet the automaticity with which these factors operate may add another interesting perspective to the anticonsumption phenomenon.Prior research has focussed on deliberate processes that require conscious thought and rely on higher-order reasoning.As discussed above, anticonsumption is marked by intentionally reducing consumption habits and therefore often involves cognitively controlled processes and formed intentions.While the decision to engage in anticonsumption may be reached at the more explicit level, other factors may prevent consumers from transforming their deliberately formed convictions and intentions into actual anticonsumption practices.What has been largely ignored is how anticonsumption is inhibited implicitly and whether this disruption of the intention-action linkage sometimes takes place outside conscious awareness.For some consumers, the decision to forgo consumption and to reduce purchases of valued goods may provoke certain unfavorable emotions.Likewise, cognitions related to anticonsumption may get activated automatically It is plausible to assume that shared values moderate the translation of motivation into action in various ways.For example, two striking and largely under-explored categories of values in the anticonsumption domain are culture and religion.Researchers have largely neglected the cross-cultural perspective, and it remains unclear if notions associated with anticonsumption behavior, such as motives and consequences of anticonsumption practices, are universal or vary across national cultures.Future research should draw on Hofstede's cultural dimensions

Proposition 4 .
Under what circumstances do "reasons against" outweigh "reasons for" consumption?We propose the investigation of moderators that enable the manifestation of anticonsumption behavior, such as personallyinternalized values as well as values shared in the social environment (religious morality, cultural values, country specifics, etc.).
resistance, which might convey a lack of economic resources, resulting in a loss of status(Nelissen & Meijers, 2011).The motivating nature of status signaling(Han, Nunes, & Drèze, 2010) suggests that adding a signal can mitigate the potential unattractiveness of anticonsumption practices.Research on anticonsumption could consider product categories for which consumption is highly conspicuous and brands that are consumed predominantly for identity-signaling (e.g., luxury brands).Products or product categories that serve as visible markers of status typically become targets of conspicuous consumption especially in developing, highstatus-mobility countries(Batra, Ramaswamy, Alden, Steenkamp, & Ramachander, 2000).Proposition 5. What implications lie in how anticonsumption does not have signaling like that of traditional consumption?We propose investigation of whether the acceptance of anticonsumption practices could be improved by status signaling.

Finally, along with
our provided suggestions, there are several methodological issues that should be considered by future researchers.First, consensus needs to be reached across research domains on what anticonsumption actually constitutes.The distinctions developed in this paper hopefully offer a starting point, because the implications not only affect theory development, but also the design of studies and the measurement of the anticonsumption construct.Iyer and Muncy (2009) developed a scale to measure anticonsumption as a general rejection of consumerism.However, they acknowledged that their proposed scale demonstrates suboptimal measurement properties (i.e., poor construct reliabilities) and that the measurement still needs to be replicated in different regions and contexts.The absence of a valid and reliable anticonsumption scale hinders the elaboration of compelling hypotheses about relations between anticonsumption and other constructs.This, in turn, impedes theoretical development in the field.For this reason, strong emphasis should be placed on developing a reliable measurement that captures anticonsumption attitudes as well as actual behaviors, accounting for the different facets falling under the anticonsumption umbrella.Second, closely related to the fact that the anticonsumption construct is still emerging and generally recognized conceptualizations are still absent, we find the field dominated by qualitative approaches.Results from our literature review reveal that only 28% of the papers retrieved include quantitative methods of research.The majority are qualitative, mostly adopting ethnographic, phenomenological, narrative, or interpretive approaches.Although these methods are useful in providing a profound understanding of this complex phenomenon and its manifestations, they have various limitations.As in all qualitative research approaches, generalizability is an issue.Observing and interpreting certain consumer situations can be insightful, but findings cannot be transferred to anticonsumption at large.Moreover, studies mainly focus on a behavioral approach to anticonsumption (e.g.,Amine & Gicquel, 2011;Cherrier et al., 2011) and usually neglect to investigate links between manifestations of anticonsumption and their determinants.While many of these studies offer useful consumer classifications (e.g.,Cromie & Ewing, 2009;Iyer & Muncy, 2009), unfortunately they do not provide definitional clarity of the anticonsumption construct, but often result in tautologies and further confusion.This makes comparison of different research findings on anticonsumption difficult and again hampers theoretical progress.Our conceptualization of the anticonsumption umbrella will be a first step toward resolving these issues.Third, the majority of anticonsumption research has focused on specific contexts and product/categories (i.e., electronic goods, food and beverages, clothing and sports products).Extending research into different contexts, such as services and/or the online marketplace, can provide a fruitful ground for further examination of anticonsumption behaviors and of the factors that influence them.Acknowledging the inherent differences between physical, tangible products and digital, intangible consumption of digital technologies (i.e.,Makri, Papadas, & Schlegelmilch, 2018), will likely lead to new knowledge about anticonsumption behavior.Researchers should also strive to expand the scope of anticonsumption research.For example, spending money on experiences (i.e., travel) instead of material possessions, file-sharing or illegal downloading over the internet, and consumers' coproduction activities could be interpreted as anticonsumption practices and interesting topics for expanding the scope of research.Fourth, the lack of current research interest in the automatic mechanisms underlying anticonsumption behaviors (Proposition 3), must arguably be attributed to the fact that most prior research has relied on measurements whereby participants explicitly express their thoughts or verbalize their past behaviors (e.g., in self-report questionnaires).As the implicit processes underlying anticonsumption operate outside conscious awareness, assessment must be indirect, such as the Implicit Association Test(Greenwald, McGhee, & Schwartz, 1998) or other methods (e.g., evaluative priming: Fazio, Sanbonmatsu, Powell, & Kardes, 1986; Simon task: De Houwer,   Crombez, Baeyens, & Hermans, 2001).Beyond beliefs, perceptions, or attitudes endorsed and articulated in a direct measure of survey studies, future research should also incorporate and elaborate processes that are automatically triggered.
addition, in an effort to identify where research attention is deficient, it seeks to explore the drivers and consequences of anticonsumption, as well as the boundary conditions that affect the translation of motivations into anticonsumption behaviors.Most importantly, this review attempts to provide very specific research propositions to guide future research and to discuss how the field can evolve methodologically.Grounded in these over-arching objectives, this paper makes four important contributions to the field of anticonsumption.First, we provide a systematic literature review using a step-wise research method, as suggested byWatson et al. (2018), which safeguards the objectiveness and thoroughness of the process.As a result, 120 papers were identified and analyzed to present a comprehensive overview of anticonsumption research to date.Second, after careful examination of the papers, we identify a key problem that impedes the advancement of the anticonsumption literature, namely a lack of definitional clarity.The domain of anticonsumption is strongly associated with several research topics, such as green consumption, ethical consumption, brand avoidance and voluntary simplicity.To this end, we attempt to delineate overlapping concepts and to refine the definition of anticonsumption.Third, we present a framework that synthesizes findings from the anticonsumption literature.Using the network analysis tool, we reveal certain gaps in the literature that may provide fruitful directions for future researchers.Thus, we formulate a number of specific research propositions to promote the better understanding of the implications of anticonsumption for future research and theory development.Last, methodological challenges are identified and discussed in detail.

Table 3
shows that consumer behavior and marketing journals occupy the top 10 positions of the most prolific outlets.In addition, there is also a relatively strong representation of more managerial and policy-oriented journals, such as the Journal of Business Research, European Journal of Marketing, and Journal of Public Policy and Marketing.The high ranking of the Journal of Business Research is not surprising, since its special issue on anticonsumption in 2009 attracted substantial papers from highly influential scholars in the field.
Table 4 summarizes our suggested propositions and complements our research agenda with a number of specific testable questions.
Does the relative influence of the anticonsumption drivers differ across the consumption cycle? 2. Do the pre-and end-stage of consumption provide a fruitful context for anticonsumption behavior to manifest themselves? 3. Do drivers exist that facilitate passing the first hurdle to anticonsumption (decision to participate), but inhibit the extent of anticonsumption behaviors?4. What are the long-term implications of anticonsumption for the consumer?
investigating individual antecedents.This ignores important multilevel issues in the examination of factors leading to anticonsumption manifestations, such as those stemming not only from micro-level individual concerns, but also from macro-level environmental, corporate, and societal concerns.Moreover, existing anticonsumption literature predominantly takes a consumer-oriented perspective.T A B L E 4 Propositions for future research Research proposition Testable questions Drivers of anticonsumption manifestation R1.Considering the full consumption cycle will provide a wider understanding of motivations (individual or collective level) of anticonsumption 1. domain) or breath (i.e., specific products from many domains)?What are the implications from a holistic perspective?However, research points to the importance of including distinct actors to understand "reasons against" in consumer decision-making process and as part of emerging collective discourses and practices directed toward a specific goal (Chatzidakis & Lee, 2013; Dalpian, da Silveira, & Rossi, 2015; Garcia-de-Frutos, Ortega-Egea, & Martinez-del-Rio, 2018).Studies evolving around green or alternative consumption typically describe these behaviors in terms of consumer subjectivity, stressing how self-interest, and other selfcountries and many cases-have only indirect impact on the market through laws and regulations, it is interesting to consider how the direct and indirect influences are connected.It is also interesting to explore situations in which different actors send competing signals (retailers promoting consumption, while other organizations promote anticonsumption) and how consumers balance both influences.In understanding environmentally and socially oriented anticonsumption, going beyond consumers' boundaries and highlighting the important role of other relevant actors involved in these practices is imperative.Proposition 2. A multiple-actors approach is suggested for future examinations of anticonsumption antecedents and motivators.Hence, we propose to research in what way producers, organizations and/or governments enable anticonsumption practices.