Analysing migrants' ageing in place as embodied practices of embedding through time: ‘ Kilburn is not Kilburn any more ’

There is growing attention to how people navigate and make sense of particular places through the ageing process. Against this backdrop, there is increasing research on ageing in contexts of migration. Although much of this research focuses on retirement and return migration, comparatively less is known about migrants who remain in the destination society, especially in advanced old age. Drawing on qualitative data, we analyse the experiences of three groups of ageing migrants who have been less visible in research and policy (Caribbean, Irish, and Polish) and of those living in two U.K. sites (London and Yorkshire). Using the concept of embedding, we analyse migrants' identifications with and attachment to particular places over time. In so doing, we highlight not only how migrants negotiate dynamic local places through embodied ageing processes but also how these negotiations may be mediated by wider sociopolitical events including Brexit and the ‘ Windrush scandal ’ . the research project, we present our analysis of participants' active engagement with places through the ageing process paying special attention to changes, on multiple levels, over time. We conclude by highlighting our contribution to understanding migrants' embodied and emplaced experiences of embedding in place over time.

Nonetheless, despite developing research on migrant belonging in place, the ways in which migrants connect and identify with particular places is still not well understood (Phillips & Robinson, 2015), especially in contexts of ageing (Sampaio, King, & Walsh, 2018). Moreover, there have been calls for more research on the diversity of ageing migrants and how ethnicity intersects with experiences of growing older in particular places (Buffel, 2017;Oliver et al., 2018).
We address those calls by analysing data from three different migrant groups (Caribbean, Irish, and Polish) who arrived in Britain as young people, in the 1940s-1960s, and are now entering advanced old age. Focusing on two distinct sites, a global city (London) and a mixed rural/urban landscape (Yorkshire), we examine participants' dynamic relationships to these places. Many have lived in their neighbourhoods for decades and, through processes of place-making and place-attachment, have been embedding (Ryan & Mulholland, 2015) over time and consider these neighbourhoods to be 'home'.
We examine how older age brings new challenges that can disrupt embedding, undermining feelings of belonging in particular places. With increasing frailty often associated with advanced age, navigating even familiar places may become difficult (Rowles & Chaudhury, 2005). Moreover, bereavement and diminishing support networks may impact on older people's sense of attachments in local places (May, 2011). Of course, places are constructed and dynamic; continually made and remade over time (Massey, 2005). Thus, as well as individual-level changes, there may be structural changes impacting on long-term residents, especially older people.
Moreover, for migrants, ageing may result in additional challenges. For those who arrived in Britain to work, ageing and retirement may raise questions about return to the country of origin (Ryan, 2004(Ryan, , 2007. But return is not necessarily easy as 'home places' also change over time and migrants may no longer feel a sense of belonging there-feeling 'out of place' (Cuba & Hummon, 1993). As the older generation 'back home' die off, migrants' closest relatives may be in the destination country, creating significant ties to particular places (Buffel, 2017). Although there is increasing research on return migration in later life (Hunter, 2011;Walsh, 2018;Zontini, 2015), our paper focuses on migrants who have not returned and instead remain in the destination society in advanced older age.
Clearly, the transnational lens is important, and our participants had networks of family and friends in other countries; nonetheless, we want to understand their everyday negotiations of the local places where they currently reside. Of course, these local places are nested in wider sociostructural contexts (Massey, 2005). Immigration policies and wider social attitudes towards migrants may impact on experiences at the local level. Therefore, we consider how contextual factors, such as the 'Windrush scandal' 1 and Brexit, 2 may impact on the multiscalar nature of embedding in place for older migrants. In this way, we seek to add new insights into migrants' experiences of ageing as 'embodied and emplaced' (Sampaio et al., 2018).
The next section situates our discussion within the literature on migration, belonging, place-making, and processes of embedding. After summarising the research project, we present our analysis of participants' active engagement with places through the ageing process paying special attention to changes, on multiple levels, over time. We conclude by highlighting our contribution to understanding migrants' embodied and emplaced experiences of embedding in place over time.

| Dynamics of belonging in place over time
Geographical mobility-leaving a familiar place to relocate to somewhere new-may result in a profound sense of 'displacement' or feeling 'out of place' (Cuba & Hummon, 1993, p. 550). In their classic research from the U.S. context, Cuba and Hummon argued that 'individuals routinely construct place identitiesinterpretations of self that engender a sense of being at home' (Cuba & Hummon, 1993, p. 547) and this is especially important in overcoming feelings of being 'out of place'.
The ways in which migrants establish new relationships and forge a sense of belonging in new places is of ongoing research interest (Ryan & Mulholland, 2015). May and Muir define belonging as 'creating a sense of identification with one's relational, material and cultural surroundings' (May & Muir, 2015, 1.1). These processes are widely recognised as being especially important for migrants as a way of tackling 'the alienation, isolation, and difference experienced by newcomers, helping to cement new identities and sustain and empower marginalised communities' (Phillips & Robinson, 2015, p. 414).
Adopting a spatial lens focuses attention on the characteristics of particular places, including local neighbourhoods, where migrants live (Sampaio et al., 2018). Although the national context is important, everyday lives are lived 'through the local and more intimate spaces of the citythe home, the neighbourhood, the market, the park, a range of institutional spacesand through embodied experiences of difference' (Phillips & Robinson, 2015:413). Trąbka (2019) observes that migrants become familiar with new places of residence through a sense of 'mastery' of the area-getting to know one's way around particular streets and feeling familiar and confident about navigating one's neighbourhood.
Developing attachments to particular places takes time (Buffel, 2017;Ryan, 2018;Trąbka, 2019). An emerging sense of connectedness to a place can reflect and also reinforce aspects of self-identity 'interweaving "sense of self" and "sense of belonging in place"' (Rishbeth & Powell, 2013, p. 175).
Of course, perceptions and experiences of places are not shared by all residents. The same neighbourhood may be perceived differently by long-term residents and newcomers (Buffel & Phillipson, 2019). Varied identifications of place 'emerge at the intersection of race, class, and ethnicity' (Hickman & Mai, 2015, p. 422).
Additionally, Phillips and Robinson suggest that conceptualising place as constructed and experienced through the intersectional lens of migrant status and age enables us to 'glimpse the likely complexity of place-based identities, engagements, experiences, community attachments, and belonging ' (2015, p. 410).
Moreover, the local places, where migrants reside, are not fixed and static but need to be understood 'as subjective and practisedas created and re-created by users and their interactions' (Phillips & Robinson, 2015, p. 410). Places have both physical and symbolic attributes (Phillips & Robinson, 2015). The structural materialities of place, as well as symbolic meanings, are constantly changing over time, shaped in part by population movements and histories of migration (Rishbeth & Powell, 2013). Hence, the complexities of belonging, attachments and identifications need to be studied as ongoing processes which are never fully completed. People's needs and circumstances change over the lifecourse, as do their connectedness to dynamic places (Kilkey & Ryan, 2020). Such processes can be described through the dynamics of embedding (Ryan & Mulholland, 2015).
Unlike the more widely used concept of embeddedness, which suggests a static, achieved state, embedding acknowledges the need for continual effort, negotiation and adaptation over time. But that is not to suggest that all migrants may be embedding in the same way or to the same extent. The notion of differentiated embedding (Ryan, 2018) helps to understand different opportunities, obstacles, and strategies. Thus, despite the agency of migrants in attempting to gain familiarity and belonging in new places, it is also important to note that some places may enable migrant belongings, whereas other 2of10 places may be marked by hostility (Buffel, 2017;Hickman & Mai, 2015) and hinder migrants' opportunities for embedding. Hence, embedding, by forging a sense of connectedness in place, not only takes time but also opportunities (Ryan & Mulholland, 2015). It should be acknowledged, therefore, that embedding in a particular place of residence is not inevitable. Indeed, some migrants may never develop this level of self-identification in a place and may continue to feel alienated (Trąbka, 2019). Moreover, as discussed below, embedding may be reversed over time. Changing personal circumstances, as well as wider sociopolitical contextual factors, such as Brexit or the Windrush scandal, may undermine belonging and attachment in particular places, resulting in processes of disembedding (Ryan & Mulholland, 2015). Thus, processes of embedding in place remain complex, contingent, and dynamic through the life course.
In addressing these issues, the article seeks to make a particular contribution to the literature on migration and ageing in place.
Although much research has focused on how recently arrived migrants navigate new places (Trąbka, 2019), we focus on older migrants who have been long-term residents in particular locales for many decades. Writing over 25 years ago, Cuba and Hummon (1993) argued that age matters in understanding place attachment.
Asserting that the link between place attachment and life course is not well understood, Cuba and Hummon called for more research on how people construct and reconstruct a coherent sense of self, with respect to place, as they get older. In recent years there has been some research which helps to inform our understanding of this dynamism (e.g., Buffel, 2017;May & Muir, 2015;Oliver et al., 2018).
According to May and Muir, it is necessary to understand belonging in place in terms of 'the quality of individual and group attachments to the surrounding world: to people, places, and 'generation" (2015, 1.1). The addition of 'generation' is important, and this is a topic we explore in later sections of this article. Like May and Muir, we are also interested in how belonging was narrated by our participants. We examine how aspects of their identities may come in and out of focus at particular times and in particular places through their everyday experiences (Phoenix & Brannen, 2014). We argue that embeddedness in place cannot be taken for granted as an achieved state. Over time, especially in older age, long-term resident migrants may gradually develop a disidentification with place, a feeling of being 'out of place', resulting in disembedding. Hence, we seek to understand migrants' ageing as embodied and emplaced experiences with implications for belonging and identifications even in familiar places.

| The study
Data were collected as part of the Sustainable Care project. 3 Our study included two rounds of interviews, between July 2018 and September 2019, with ageing migrants born in the Caribbean, Ireland, and Poland. Interviews were undertaken across various locations in London and Yorkshire. Within this qualitative study, it is not our intention to undertake a comparative analysis of these two regions. Instead, we draw on these contexts to consider the diversity of experience of participants. The overall research aim was to understand how older migrants, especially in advanced old age, navigated ageing and care in place. We had supplementary questions about the use of new technologies, transnational relations, and access to care services. 4 All those topics will be addressed in other papers. For the purposes of this paper, we focus on ageing in place.
In the first round (July 2018-March 2019), we interviewed 45participants between the ages of 65 and 92 (see Table 1). Importantly, 60% of our interviewees were aged 80 and over, so our sample was significantly older than customary in migration research. Most participants were recruited through NGOs working with specific migrant communities. 5 For the second round (July-September 2019), we conducted walking interviews with a subsample of nine participants (marked with * in Table 1). We accompanied participants on a walk in their neighbourhood; the route and duration were determined by them. Interviews were recorded while walking, then continued while seated in a quiet location. This method allowed us to probe deeper into our participants' experiences of their own localities.
Working with such aged participants raises particular ethical issues. In addition to stringent ethical processes within our university, the four members of the research team received DBS 6 checks for working with participants categorised on the basis of their age as 'vulnerable'. We also took practical steps like ensuring information and consent forms were in large font. Throughout the research process we benefitted from the advice and support of NGOs working within the local areas and with expertise on the needs of older residents. This support enabled us to signpost participants to additional sources of support, where appropriate. We are mindful of not reinforcing negative images of older people as 'vulnerable' (Ciobanu et al., 2017;Oliver et al., 2018), nonetheless, because of their advanced age, it is unsurprising that many participants had complex health issues and limited physical mobility. Indeed, their health, and the need for regular medical treatment, were often factors in their decisions to remain in the United Kingdom and not return to their country of origin. 7 All interviews were fully transcribed and coded in NVivo12.
Thematic analysis was informed by our research questions as well as new themes emerging from the data. Given the diversity of participants, we adopted an intersectional lens to analyse their complex and dynamic relationships in and with their places of residence. Migration researchers have been urged to go beyond a narrow ethnic lens (Dahinden, 2016;Glick-Schiller & Ça glar, 2009). There have been calls for more comparative research (Phoenix & Brannen, 2014;Ryan, 2019) and for more intersectional perspectives to understand how ethnicity, class, gender, and other characteristics interconnect, inform, and shape each other (Anthias, 2016;Erel & Reynolds, 2018).
Class and ethnicity intersected in varied ways with some participants being quite comfortable and owning their homes, while others were just about managing on limited resources. In the following sections, we focus on how age and ethnicity intersected in dynamic ways within particular places over time. Our Polish participants were not immune from discrimination.
Mandek, a Pole who arrived in Britain in 1947 and trained as a coal miner, explained that during the post-war period, there was considerable hostility towards Polish workers: 'obviously they wouldn't take any Poles or foreigners'. So Polish men like Mandek were assigned the lowest-paid jobs that nobody else wanted (Miles & Kay, 1994).
Jozef, who arrived from Poland as a refugee after WWII, recounted that 'we were quite openly called "bloody foreigners"'. is quite suggestive of processes of embedding over time. It is interest- ing to consider what strategies people adopted to cope with hostility and begin to feel 'part of the place'.
As noted earlier, 'place-making' by migrants is important in tackling isolation and alienation (Phillips & Robinson, 2015) and forging a sense of familiarity and identification in local places (Rishbeth & Powell, 2013  To ensure anonymity, all participants were given culturally appropriate pseudonyms. b Because some of our Caribbean-born participants were of Indian background and Hindu religion, we are not labelling this category as 'African-Caribbean'. overcome feelings of unfamiliarity and managed hostility to begin embedding in place. However, embedding, unlike the rather static, achieved notion of embeddedness, highlights dynamism and the need for continual effort over time (Ryan & Mulholland, 2015). How does ageing, especially advanced old age, shape the strategies that migrants adopt to continue embedding in local places?

| Changing relationality in place in older age
Embedding is strongly associated with relationality and networks of family and friends (Ryan, 2018  This can result in reduced contact with local groups and associations, causing social isolation and loneliness. As older people no longer feel like active or valued members of a local neighbourhood (Buffel & Phillipson, 2019), their sense of belonging in that place can diminish (May & Muir, 2015). This process can be understood as a form of disembedding from a local neighbourhood. Therefore, through ageing, bereavement and shrinking networks, people's embedding in place can change. Moreover, as Massey (2005)  Elwira's neighbourhood also changed but for different reasons.
Originally from Poland, Elwira and her husband, Jakub, owned a house in a quiet street in London. However, during the walking interview,  (2019) note, neighbourhood change, such as gentrification, may undermine place attachment for long term residents, especially older people, but may also introduce some benefits such as improved services.
The changing population of a neighbourhood was especially apparent in Marjorie's story. Originally from Jamaica, she lived in a suburban area of London and owned a house with a nice garden on a quiet street. Marjorie recounted, however, that the neighbourhood had changed considerably in recent years and she felt that her ethnicity had become a marker of difference so that she no longer fitted in the area. As we observed when we walked around with her, the area had a large South Asian population, reflected in the local shops including clothing stores and food markets. As Hickman and Mai (2015) observed, changing demographics can be a factor in how older people perceive neighbourhoods. Long term residents can begin to feel like strangers as neighbourhoods change around them.
Furthermore, as May and Muir (2015) highlighted, it is all too easy to simplify older residents' sense of belonging in place through a lens of 'race' and racism. Older residents, including migrants of any ethnicity, may begin to feel displaced from their local neighbourhood when the demography of that place changes. As the only African-Caribbean woman in a street that had become largely South Asian, Marjorie felt 'out of place'. As noted earlier, places can be imbued with markers of ethnic identity. Particular neighbourhoods can be associated with ethnic clubs, shops, pubs, and places of worship that underline a sense of home, belonging and local attachments, especially for migrants. Like Marjorie, several participants remarked on processes of transformation that changed the ethnic identity of some neighbourhoods. Barry, a 92-year-old Irishman in London, noted how Cricklewood was changing: 'there aren't as many Irish around here as there used to be. The older generation now are all passing away and their children move off and move out. They don't stay.' Nowhere was this transformation more pronounced than in Kilburn, North London, an area with long historical associations to the Irish community (Hickman & Mai, 2015), which has changed beyond

| CONCLUSION
In this article, we have used embedding to analyse migrants' continued negotiations of place through the ageing process. In so doing, we have sought to answer calls for more research on the intersection of ageing and other markers of diverse identities (Oliver et al., 2018) and the embodied and emplaced experiences of ageing migrants (Phillips & Robinson, 2015;Sampaio et al., 2018).
Drawing on rich qualitative data from different migrant groups now in advanced old age, our article illustrates the ongoing efforts and negotiations of place-making over time. Upon arrival in the postwar era, our participants encountered new places as unfamiliar and unwelcoming. Ethnicity was usually the key marker of difference and even a site of discrimination. Over time, through the life-course, our participants developed strategies and drew upon networks including faith and ethnic associations, to create a sense of belonging. It would be misleading, however, to assume that once this level of belonging had been achieved it could be taken for granted. The concept of embedding (Ryan & Mulholland, 2015) highlights the dynamism of belonging and attachments in place, through the life course. As discussed in this paper, as well as requiring ongoing effort over time, embedding may be constrained by material obstacles, relational changes and broader sociopolitical contexts.
Against the backdrop of dynamism within places, including demographic changes, the ethnicity of our participants can mark them out as different, provoking a perception of no longer fitting into once 8of10 familiar neighbourhoods. Using an intersectional lens has enabled us to consider the complex ways in which age and ethnicity impact upon embodied and emplaced experiences of difference. Nonetheless, while being mindful of ethnicity, it is also important to acknowledge that most of our participants were long-term residents who had lived in particular neighbourhoods for decades. Some of their experiences of and reactions to demographic and generational change share similarities with those of white English long-term residents (see Hickman & Mai, 2015) and thus echo the call by May and Muir (2015) to look beyond a narrow lens of 'racism' to understand how older people may react to changing neighbourhood demographics.
In this article, we have focused primarily on the embodied experiences of older people within their local neighbourhoods. Of course, we acknowledge that participants had connections elsewhere, including transnationally, but that is beyond the scope of the current article.
Obviously, our sample is skewed towards older migrants who did not return to origin countries. While there is considerable research on retirement and return migration, we have focused instead on those who, for varied reasons, have decided to stay. However, staying put did not mean simply maintaining the status quo or carrying on exactly as before. All participants were navigating dynamic circumstances in terms of their health, relationships, material contexts and local environments.
We also recognise the multiscalar nature of place as local neighbourhoods are nested within cities, regions, and nationstates (Sampaio et al., 2018) and hence are framed by wider sociostructural forces.
Using the examples of Brexit and the Windrush scandal, we have shown that even for migrants who have secured British citizenship, feelings of belonging in place may be quite precarious and can be undermined by anti-immigration policies and associated hostility in wider society. Therefore, we contribute to understanding older migrants as active agents in place-making, while also paying attention to changing materialities and symbolic meanings of places through time as well as wider political processes that provoke unsettling events (Kilkey & Ryan, 2020). Our analysis illustrates the dynamism of embedding and the ongoing efforts required to forge belonging and place-attachment through the life course.