Exploring the past to discern the present: The role of historico‐geographical study in differentiating natural river channels from artificial canals

The historical background of a watercourse, whether it be a natural river or an artificial canal, holds great importance in understanding hydrological heritage, landscape evolution, planning processes, and making informed predictions for the future. This study focuses on the case study of the Churni River, which has been regarded as an artificial canal in the local literature, history, and geography research papers. The objective of this study is to investigate the authenticity of the claims and explore whether the Churni River is a natural river or an artificially constructed canal. Through an examination of existing literature and the present channel morphology, it becomes apparent that the alleged myths and rumors surrounding the origin of the Churni River, proposing its deliberate construction as a man‐made canal by Maharaja Krishnachandra, lack substantial evidence. Conversely, a more plausible scenario emerges, suggesting that the Maharaja's endeavors were likely focused on rejuvenating the degraded and silt‐laden course of an already existing river. Additionally, no evidence is found to support the claim that the name “Churni” was assigned by Maharaja Krishnachandra, and the alternative name “Kangkana” lacks substantiation as a name for the river. This research contributes to a comprehensive understanding of the historical and geographical context of the Churni River, shedding light on its origin and nature while emphasizing the significance of historical analysis in distinguishing natural river channels from artificial canals and will widen the avenue of future research on river heritage of like situation.


| INTRODUCTION
Rivers and canals are vital elements of a region's natural landscape, shaping its environment (Das et al., 2020), supporting ecosystems, and providing valuable resources to human populations (Lansing et al., 1998).Distinguishing between natural river channels and artificial canals is crucial for understanding the historical development of water systems and their implications for human societies (Hritz, 2010).In the context of the Mathabhanga-Churni River, an Indo-Bangladesh trans-boundary river, this research paper delves into the significance of conducting a comprehensive historicogeographical study to unravel the true nature of the origin and evolution of the Churni River.
Churni River is an Indo-Bangladesh international river originating from the river Padma.The water quality, its aquatic ecology, and the volume of flow of the Churni River are the prime concerns of researchers.The pollution of the Mathabhanga-Churni River has evolved into an international concern involving Bangladesh and India.The pivotal factor

| THE CHURNI RIVER AND ITS FLOW PATH
There are many myths about the river.There is a stigma in the name of the river.The name of the river is "Churni" meaning female thief (Das, 2003;Sahitya, 2000).Behind this tainted name of the river is a royal story.Before hearing that story, let's know the rest of the identity of this river.During British colonial rule, Bhagirathi, Jalangi and Mathabhanga rivers were collectively called "Nadia Rivers" (Basu & Chakraborty, 1972;Garrett, 1910;Hunter, 1875;Moore, 1919) or "Kishnaghur Group of Rivers" (Ferguson, 1912).Among these rivers, the Bhagirathi River flows through or along the borders of the Murshidabad, Burdwan, and Nadia districts.So is the Mathabhanga River.Mathabhanga was the river of Nadia during British rule.Although its tributary river Ichamati flows through Nadia and 24 Parganas.After the independence of India, in 1947, the Mathabhanga River became international.Only the entire flow path from the source to the confluence of the river Jalangi passes either through the Nadia district or along the borders of Nadia and Murshidabad.That is why, among these three rivers, only the Jalangi River is literally a river of Nadia.However, mainly for administrative reasons, during colonial rule, these three rivers were called Nadia Rivers.
To the east of Char-Madhugori village Char-Mahishkunadi village is situated on the northeastern border of the Karimpur-1 block.A narrow bypass channel of the Padma River in Bangladesh lies to the east of the border fence of the Char-Mahishkundi.The river Mathabhanga is taking off from that narrow bypass channel ( °′ ″ °′ ″ 24 03 43 N and 88 44 21 E) (Sarkar et al., 2021).It is beheaded because its source of flow from the feeder channel of river Padma has been blocked by a large sand bar except for 1 or 2 months during monsoon.The length of the Mathabhanga River from its offtake at Char-Mahishkunadi to Pabakhali near Majdia from where it bifurcates into Churni and Ichhamati is 196.40 km (Figure 1).
The right-bank distributary of the Mathabhanga River is the "Churni River."The Churni flows from Majdia in the north-west to Shibnibas.From Shibnibas, the river flows south-east through Chandannagar-Kastopur-Natungram-Raipur-Benali-Kalipara-Batna-Hanskhali-Bapujinagar-Takshali-Vyaspur-Barhatta-Radhakantpur-Anandnagar-Aranghata-Paharpur-Kalinarayanpur-Anshtala-Ranaghat-Anulia-Nandighat-Masunda and debouches into the river Hooghly at Shibpur."Mangaldwip" is formed at the confluence of the Hooghly River and Churni River.From the source at Pabakhali near Majdia to Shibpur, the length of the Churni River up to its confluence with the Hooghly River is ~53 km, although Sarkar & Islam (2019) reported it ~56 km.METHODOLOGY ADOPTED By examining the historical records and applying relevant measurement techniques, this study seeks to enhance our understanding of the past development of watercourses and provide a basis for distinguishing between natural river channels and human-made canals.

| Old government documents
In the context of the Churni River, old government documents are valuable sources of historical information on river systems and water management practices.The documents used in this study are maps (Rennell, 1779(Rennell, , 1778)), surveys (cited by Colebrooke, 1803), reports (Moore, 1919), and administrative records related to the construction and maintenance of watercourses (Nadia River Division of PWD from 1819 to 1919; Ferguson, 1912;Garrett, 1910;Hunter, 1875;Reaks, 1919).These sources provide invaluable credibility to the study of the Churni River, offering a rich historical perspective on river systems and water management practices.The maps surveyed by Rennell, the Surveyor General To The East India Company intricately document the then river courses of Bengal.The surveys cited by Colebrooke (1803) and reports by Moore (1919) contribute further layers of historical understanding.Administrative records from the Nadia River Division of PWD (1819PWD ( -1919) ) and the works of Ferguson (1912), Garrett (1910), Hunter (1875), and Reaks (1919) concerning watercourses and maintenance offer practical insights.The historical significance of Sir William Wilson Hunter, a distinguished member of the Indian Civil Service, and John Henry Elliot Garrett, the District Magistrate of Nadia, adds weight to the reliability of their documents.In concert, these diverse sources form a robust foundation for reconstructing the origin and history of Bengal's rivers, particularly the Churni.

| Local literature
Insights from local literature and historical works such as Mukhopadhyaya's (1811) account, Ray's (1876) observations and Mallik's (1910) narrative, serve as valuable sources for understanding the past of the river Churni and the Nadia Raj family.Kumudnath Mallik, having grown up on the bank of the Churni River, though not explicitly terming his work "Nadia Kahini" as synonymous with "History of Nadia," acknowledges its potential to supply ample historical material.Kartikeya Chandra Ray, an official of Nadia Raj, provides eyewitness accounts of both the royal family and the river.Rajib Lochan Mukhopadhaya, a Pundit at Fort William College, possesses an intimate knowledge of the Nadia Raj family.Together, these three texts enhance the credibility of the study, offering nuanced insights into the evolutionary history of the Churni River.Information from these texts complements government documents, providing a more comprehensive understanding of the River and Nadia Raj family.

| Fluvial geomorphological measurements
Fluvial geomorphology provides quantitative techniques for studying river systems and their evolution over time.Channel Asymmetry (A*) refers to the uneven distribution of channel width and depth across the cross-section of a watercourse (Knighton, 1981).This measurement can differentiate a natural river channel with an asymmetric cross-sectional form (Leopold & Wolman, 1960;Yen, 1970) from an artificial canal of symmetric cross-sectional form (Abdulrahman, 2007;Easa, 2009).By analyzing the degree of asymmetry, it is possible to differentiate asymmetric natural river channels from artificially designed symmetric canals.
where, A r and A l are the cross-sectional area of the channel to the right and left side of the center line, = + A A A r l .Sinuosity (SI) measures the extent of meandering or curviness in a river channel (Brice, 1964).Natural river channels tend to exhibit higher sinuosity compared to artificial canals, which often have straighter alignments.Sinuosity analysis helps distinguish the natural morphological patterns of rivers from those modified by human activities.
where, CL = channel length, M ax = meander axis length.Channel Width/Depth Ratio (Sarkar et al., 2020) indicates the stability and hydraulic characteristics of a watercourse.Natural river channels typically have higher and varying width/depth ratios along their length due to geological and hydraulic processes.In contrast, artificial canals often maintain a more lower and uniform width/ depth ratio.By assessing this ratio, it is possible to discern the natural dynamics of river channels.The presence of Paleo-Channels that have been abandoned or buried over time, can be inferred through various indicators, such as sedimentary deposits, paleo-floodplain remnants, or historical accounts.Investigating the nature and presence of paleo-channels aids in distinguishing natural river channels from artificial canals.Whether Paleo-channels (oxbow lakes) originated from the river Churni or not is a relevant question.The level of certainty of umbilical linkage between nearby oxbow lakes and Churni River was estimated using the doubt index DI (Das et al., 2020).
where, θ = angle between oxbow lake axis and downstreamdirection of meander axis.
Analyzing the historical shifting of a river channel provides valuable information on its natural behavior.By examining records, including maps, and satellite imageries, the trajectory and extent of channel migration can be determined.Comparing this historical data with the current configuration of watercourses enables differentiation between natural river channels and artificially constructed canals.

| The cognitive and logical analysis and explanation of existing information
This plays a pivotal role in differentiating natural river courses from artificial canals.By carefully analyzing the historical records, fluvial geomorphological characteristics, and human interventions, a scientific understanding of the development and dynamics of watercourses can be established.This is of utmost importance in hydrological and environmental assessments, enabling accurate identification and classification of these water features.
The utilization of a historico-geographical study, incorporating old government documents, local literature, fluvial geomorphological measurements, and cognitive and logical discourses of existing information offers a comprehensive approach to differentiate natural river channels from artificial canals.This research methodology allows for a holistic understanding of the historical development and natural characteristics of river systems, facilitating accurate identification and classification of watercourses in the present context.

| Rumors about the river and their critical analysis
In various forms of cultural narratives such as popular folklore, newspaper columns (Das, 2022;Ganguly, 2021), local literature (Chattopadhyaya, 2007), and historical accounts (Karmakar, 2019b;Thakur, 2019), as well as within the context of a research article (Chatterjee, 2013), the Churni River is consistently referred to as an artificially constructed canal.According to the accounts, Maharaja Krishnachandra of Nadia is credited with the creation of this artificial waterway, achieved by diverting a segment of the Ichamati River's flow.The term "Churni," signifying "female thief" (Das, 2003;Sahitya, 2000), was bestowed upon this engineered river, reflecting its alleged act of diverting water from the Ichamati.If indeed this speculation holds true, the creation of the Churni River stands as the most substantial and extensive human-made imprint on the natural landscape of the region.Ganguly (2021) stated that in the late 17th century, King Krishnachandra Ray of Nadia moved his capital from Krishnanagar to Shibnibas near Majdia to evade the Bargi invasion.Various historical theories exist regarding the reasons for this capital relocation.Some historians posit that King Krishnachandra implemented defensive measures by digging moats around the capital, utilizing the headwaters of the Hauli River for this purpose.The canal formed through this process, named "Churni," gained its appellation due to the crushing of the Hauli River's head.Records indicate that by 1780, this canal became widely recognized as Churni Nadi (To access the original Bengali text, please refer to Supporting Information S1: Annexure I).Karmakar's (2019a) report on the Churni River, reveals that the river, originally named Hauli, was also referred to as Pangasi or Panshi due to its shallow waters during summer, navigable only by Pangshi boats.The lower section of the river from Majdia was known as Ichamati.The Hauli River originated from the Padma River.During the late seventeenth century, the Bargi invasion unfolded in Bengal with King Krishnachandra reigning in Nadia.To evade the invasion, the king relocated his capital from Krishnanagar to Shibnibas.Concerned about protection, King Krishnachandra initiated the construction of a moat and fortifications around the new capital.Overnight, a canal was excavated from the Hauli River, enclosing the Shibnibas palace.Another canal was created, linking to the Anjana River.The breaking of the head of the Hauli River to form the canal resulted in the renaming of the river as Mathabhanga (head-broken).The canal, originated from the crushed head of the Hauli River, gained the appellation Churni River after 1780, by Maharaja Krishnachandra (To access the original Bengali text, please refer to Supporting Information S1: Annexure II).
The thematic and linguistic similarities between Ganguly's (2021) and Karmakar's (2019b) pieces suggest that Ganguly may have drawn inspiration from Karmakar's narrative.However, it is noteworthy that Ganguly seems to have overlooked the importance of conducting a thorough source search and verifying the story's authenticity before integrating it into her work.In both narratives, it is recounted that in the late 17th century, Maharaja Krishnachandra excavated a canal by breaking or crushing the head of the Hauli River.Consequently, the Hauli River acquired the name "Mathabhanga," signifying its head being broken.King Krishnachandra, in naming the canal formed by this head-crushing process, referred to it as "Churni."However, certain questions arise in this context.First, historical records indicate that the Bargi invasion occurred between 1741 AD and 1751 AD (Chatterjee, 2008;Samaddar, 1925), and Maharaja Krishnachandra shifted the capital to Shibnibas in 1742 AD (Sarkar et al. 2020).Therefore, the events described do not align with the end of the 17th century but rather the middle of the 18th century.Second, no references are found mentioning that the Hauli River (Mathabhanga) was formerly known as Pangasi.On the contrary, historical accounts suggest that a distributary river on the left bank of the Hauli River was named Pangasi (Reaks, 1919).According to the Moore Committee report (Moore, 1919), rivers like Nabaganga, Chitra, Kobadak, Harihar, and Bhadra were once directly or indirectly nourished by the Mathabhanga River.It is noteworthy that the Kobadak's connection with the Matabhanga was separated through deliberate engineering actions by Mr. Shakespeare, a former Magistrate of Nadia.Mr. Shakespeare achieved this separation by cutting a channel across the neck of a bend in the Matabhanga at the Kobadak offtake.

| Naming controversy: Mathabhanga versus Pangasi and Kumar
The Kumar River serves as a left-bank distributary of the Mathabhanga River, while the Pangasi River is identified as an additional off-take of the Kumar River, originating near Samanpur from the Mathabhanga River (Mallik, 1910, or [1317 Bangabda]).Originating at Hat Boalia in the Kustia district, the Kumar River flows into the Nabaganga River in present-day Bangladesh.In 1819-1820, Mr. K. C. Robinson assumed the role of superintendent and collector of the Mathabhanga River, marking the establishment of the "Nadia River Division."During that time, a significant portion, 83.4%, of the water entering the Mathabhanga River from the Padma was channeled through the Kumar River.Robinson's attempt to prevent water intrusion into the Kumar River was unsuccessful (Moore, 1919).By 1821, 75% of Mathabhanga's water still flowed through the Kumar River.To impede this flow, Mr. May sank a large barge and several boats filled with earth at the river's mouth, halting the inflow into the Kumar River.Subsequently, a 1540-yard-long canal was excavated in a bend of the Mathabhanga River at the source of the Kumar River.Despite using a bullock-drawn dredging machine in 1823 to ensure a minimum flow in the Mathabhanga-Churni, the desired outcomes were not achieved.In 1821-1822, the Kumar River's off-take was closed to redirect flow toward the Mathabhanga.However, water continued to enter the Kumar River through the Pangasi River, maintaining the status unchanged by 1824.Consequently, the Mathabhanga remained almost completely dry up to Pangasi's mouth.Between 1825 and 1830, two unsuccessful attempts were made to prevent water entry into the Pangasi River.The utilization of steam-engine dredging machines in 1828-1829 failed to resolve the issue.A proposal to cut a bypass canal to block the Pangasi's inlet was suggested, but until 1850, the Mathabhanga remained unnavigable below the entrance of the Pangasi River (Moore, 1919).With 70%-80% of the Mathabhanga River's flow entering the Kumar River via the Pangasi River, some may informally designate the entire Mathabhanga River as Kumar or Pangasi.However, it is crucial to highlight that, if the truth lies behind this particular information is not cited by Karmakar.Currently, a significant number of people recognize the stretch of the Bhairab River, originating in Akhardiganj, Murshidabad district, to its confluence with the Jalangi River at Velanagar, as the Jalangi River.This wrong naming convention is also evident on Google Images, where the Bhairab River is identified as Jalangi.The present flow of water (for a few days per year) from the Padma to Jalangi enters through the Bhairabh River, providing a potential explanation for why Bhairab is labeled as Jalangi.

| Naming controversy: Mathabhanga, Hauli versus Pangasi
The Mathabhanga is occasionally referred to as the Hauli River in various writings (Garrett, 1910).Both Ganguly and Karmakar assert in their narratives that another designation for Mathabhanga was Pangasi, although there is a notable absence of available reference on this.Moreover, there is a lack of documentary evidence elucidating the rationale behind naming the Pangasi River.Additionally, a dearth of reliable information persists regarding the narrative associated with the nomenclature of "Mathabhanga."A popular tale suggests that Maharaja Krishnachandra played a pivotal role in christening the Churni River.Nevertheless, Ganguly and Karmakar offer an additional interpretation to the narrative, proposing that Maharaja Krishnachandra purportedly formed a new river by crushing the head of another, thus labeling it "Churni."Notably, these accounts heavily rely on the writers' imagination, lacking substantive factual and historical support.While truth may not be a prerequisite in literature, historical accuracy is imperative.Regrettably, no evidence substantiates these narratives regarding the names of both Churni and Mathabhanga.The narrative also claims that Maharaja Krishnachandra cut the canal and named it "Churni" after 1870.However, the reasons for such a delayed naming remain unclear, and the storytellers do not disclose the source (if any) of this information.

| Narratives lacking adequate references or logical coherence
In Thakur's (2019) work, Shibnibas is described as a town situated on the elevated bar of the Churni River, encompassed on three sides by the Churni River.The right-bank distributary of the Mathabhanga River referred to as Churni, flows to the west, north, and south of contemporary Shibnibas.On the eastern side, a canal, engineered by Raja Krishnachandra from the Mathabhanga River, traverses Shibnibas and converges with the original Churni River near the village of Chandannagar, proximate to Shibnibas.Consequently, the river encircled Shibnibas.Presently, the canal created through this process is colloquially identified as the Churni River by the local populace (To access the original Bengali text, please refer to Supporting Information S1: Annexure III).Similar to other authors, Thakur does not explicitly cite the source or methodology underpinning the assertion that the contemporary population designates the cut canal as the Churni River.The presented information reveals certain inconsistencies.Thakur suggests, at one juncture, that Shibnibas is situated on the elevated slopes of the Churni River, implying the pre-existence of the Churni River before the establishment of the town.Concurrently, he notes that the canal, excavated at the behest of Maharaja Krishnachandra, is now recognized as the Churni River by local residents.It is crucial, however, to acknowledge existing empirical evidence supporting the claim that the Mathabhanga River bifurcated near Majdia, coursing to the west, north, and south of contemporary Shibnibas.The extant local topography, exemplified by horseshoe-shaped bends and meander scars (Figure 2), substantiates this historical river course.
Another story by Karmakar (2019a) is almost similar to his earlier one.
He (Maharaja Krishnachandra) decided to move the capital.So he moved the capital from Krishnanagar to a place near the Ichamati River, six Krosh (12 miles) away.That place was densely forested and surrounded by water.A person named Nasrat Khan lived there.The king cleared the forest and established the city.… And according to his (Raghunandan) advice, the king built a moat around the new city.… The name of the moat surrounding Shibnibas Nagar in the form of a bangle is 'Kangkana Nadi'.King Krishnachandra now cut a canal of one hundred cubits and connected it with Ichamati.And about three miles to the west, another canal was cut and connected with the Anjana River on the north side of Hanskhali.… Churni River has been dug for more than 300 years and witnessed various natural calamities such as floods, but the river has not changed its position.It is almost the same way.… After Mr Renel's map was published, it was found that the source of the Churni River is not connected with the Ichamati River.The question of why Raynell did not show this river connection remains unanswered (To access the original Bengali text, please refer to Supporting Information S1: Annexure IV).
The narrative explicitly indicates that Shibnibas Palace was established in a location enveloped by dense forests and encircled by water features.However, a subsequent statement mentions the king constructing a moat resembling a bangle around the new city, forming the "Kangkana" River.Consequently, both statements encapsulate elements of accuracy as well as a certain degree of inconsistency.The assertion that the site was initially surrounded by water bodies contradicts the later statement about cutting a bangle-like moat around Shibnibas.Rather than creating a new water feature, it could be inferred that the latter action might involve the restoration of preexisting water bodies, possibly decayed oxbow lakes.Moreover, a comparison with the storyteller's previous account introduces a slight discrepancy, with the earlier narrative specifying a distance of about three miles as opposed to three Kroshas (one Krosha = two Miles) concerning the westward canal cut.Chatterjee (2013), Thakur (2022), Mondal and Bandyopadhyay (2022), and Chatterjee ( 2013) have posited in their research articles, without proper citation, that the Churni River is an artificial canal.In particular, Chatterjee (2013) mentioned, "It has been suggested that the Churni is most likely an artificial canal, not a natural river.Local history indicates that during the 17th century, the Churni River was excavated on the orders of Maharaja Krishna Chandra, the King of Nadia, as a defensive moat against the Bargees of Maharashtra."This prompts a crucial question: How did Chatterjee conclude that the Churni River is an "artificial canal, not a true river"?Notably, Chatterjee does not disclose the source or identity of the individual expressing this viewpoint, providing no reference for this pivotal assertion.Additionally, the claim by the author that the Churni River was canalized in the 17th century under Maharaja Krishnachandra's orders is inaccurate.
The relocation of the capital to Shibnibas occurred in 1742 AD, placing it in the first half of the 18th century, not the 17th century.Chattopadhyaya (2007) writes that Maharaja Krishnachandra, fearing a Bargi attack, decided to shift the capital to a safe place on the banks of the Ichamati, six Kroshas (12 miles) away from Krishnanagar.He wrote that the place was "forested and surrounded by water.Once upon a time, a Fakir named Nasrat Khan lived in that place.That is why the name of the place is Nasrat khar berd.King Krishnachandra cleared the forests and built a beautiful city.The area was surrounded by water.The canal around the city will act as a moat.He extended the eastern canal by another thousand cubits and connected it with Ichamati.On the west side, the canal was extended by about three Krosha (six miles) to connect with the mouth of the Anjana River at north of Hanskhali.As a result, the eastern and western canals became small rivers.Krishnachandra named the canal "Kangkana" as it took the shape of a round bangle.And named the city 'Shiva Nibas'" (To access the original Bengali text, please refer to Supporting Information S1: Annexure V).
This story has a few contradictions.First, there are two canals that Krishnachandra named "Kangkana" and referred to as "small rivers," but it's unclear if the section between Pabakhali and Hanskhali is called Kangkana, as there's no information or local agreement on this.Instead, historical records and legends suggest that the semi-circular water body around Shibnibas was known as Kangkana, a remnant of which exists as Kangkana Beel to the south of Chandannagar village.Second, on page 53 of the same book, the author mentions a river from Shibnibas to Shibpur named "Churni" by Krishnachandra.However, it raises doubts about the accuracy because there is only one river in the stretch from Pabakhali to Shibpur.The question arises: is the entire river called "Churni," or is a small part upstream named "Kangkana"?However, there is no evidence to support such distinctions, and it seems that the author may have prioritized royal literature over the accurate geography of the area.Bandyopadhyaya (2007) wrote in the book "Banglar Nad Nadi" that the Churni River flows south through Shibnibas, Hanskhali, and Birnagar.From 25 miles east of the offtake of the river Jalangi, under the name of Mathabhanga, Churni emerges from the Padma and flows southwards to reach the town of Majdia from where it bifurcates into Churni and Ichhamati (To access the original Bengali text, please refer to Supporting Information S1: Annexure VI).
In his book "Banglar Nad Nadi," Bandyopadhyaya (2007), made several claims about the Churni River.He mentioned that the river emerges from the Padma as Mathabhanga, eventually reaching Majdia and bifurcating into Churni and Ichhamati.The Churni flows south through Shibnibas, Hanskhali, and Birnagar.However, it's worth noting that the distance from the Jalangi River's offtake to the Mathabhanga-Churni River's offtake is not 25 miles, as stated, but 3.7 miles or 5.97 km.Bandyopadhyaya also mentioned the Hooghly-Churni confluence in Gournagar, which is actually in Shibpur.Additionally, he claimed that Churni was originally an excavated canal executed by Krishnachandra to protect his subjects from Barghi attacks, linking it to the Mathabhanga River and the Anjana River in Hanskhali.However, he provided no evidence or river science analysis to support the assertion that Churni is a canal, not a river.Moreover, Bandyopadhyaya inaccurately stated that the ferry Ghat on the Churni River is a 10-min walk from Krishnagar bus stand, which seems erroneous and may be a printing mistake, possibly intending "Krishnaganj" instead of "Krishnagar."He also claimed a distributary of the Anjana River joined the Ichamati near Jatrapur, but there's no such confluence in Jatrapur.The regional geography described in his writing does not align with reality, possibly indicating a lack of field truthing for the remotely gathered information.

| Texts on riverine heritage
To comprehend the historical background of the river Churni and Shibnibas palace, reliable sources are crucial.This note highlights the importance of three ancient texts: "Nadia Kahini," (Mallik, 1910) "Kshitish Vansabali Charita, (Ray, 1876)" and "Sri Maharaj Krishnachandra Rayasya Charitang" (Mukhopadhyaya, 1811).These texts offer authentic insights into the river's history and serve as fundamental references for understanding its evolution.Because these texts are primary sources and hence more authentic from the viewpoint of reliability.Other writings should be approached with caution, as they may contain distorted or imaginative information based on limited evidence from these three sources or may contain imaginary and ludicrous stories.Relying on "Nadia Kahini," "Kshitish Vansabali Charita," and "Sri Maharaj Krishnachandra Rayasya Charitang" ensures a more accurate understanding of the river Churni's history.

| Mallik (1910)
Mallik, Kumudnath (1317 Bangabda, 1910 AD) wrote-"Maharaja Krishna Chandra, found a notorious bandit named Nasarat Khan began to gain prominence in his kingdom.Maharaja found Nasarat Khan's abode in a deep forest on the east bank of the Churni River and came there with suitable arms and set camp to defeat him.After suppressing the robbers, Maharaja stayed there for one night.The next morning, when he was sitting by the river … a royal relative named Kripamoy Ray, a resident of Anulia … said, "Maharaj, this place is very beautiful, … Live here and you will be happy."Coincidentally, being afraid of Bargi's raids … Maharaja surrounded the place with a river in the shape of the Kankan and built a beautiful palace according to the opinion of his Dewan Raghunandan (revenue minister).He also built his own residence and two large Shiva temples and installed two mighty Shiva Lingas and Rama Sita in the other temple" (To access the original Bengali text, please refer to Supporting Information S1: Annexure VII).
Based on the points mentioned in the description of "Nadia Kahini": 1.It is stated that the abode of Dasyu Nasrat Khan, the bandit, was located in a deep forest on the east bank of the Churni River.This indicates that Nasrat Khan's hideout was situated in proximity to the Churni River.2. Maharaja Krishnachandra, after successfully suppressing the bandits, was depicted sitting on the bank of a river in the morning, washing his face.3. Later, the place (presumably the area where Nasrat Khan's abode was located) was surrounded by rivers in the form of Konkan (a Bengali word for a bracelet or bangle).
The questions that arise: the river in which the Maharaja was washing his face, is it Churni River?Or Ichamati?Or the oxbow lake that surrounds the abode of the bandit Nasrat Khan in the deep forest?Did Maharaja Krishnachandra dig a new trench around the capital?Or renovate the decayed water enclosure (oxbow lake) around the palace and make it a moat?His predecessors, Ray (1876), and Mukhopadhyaya (1811) mention that "the place was forested and waterlogged."It is very important to find answers to these questions before concluding that "Churni is an artificial canal."However, it is written in "Nadia Kahini" that "His abode was found in a deep forest on the east bank of Churni River."Therefore, did the Churni River exist before the establishment of Shibnibas?4.2.2 | Ray ( 1876) Ray (1876) mentions the name of Maharaja Krishnachandra regarding the naming of Shibnibas and Kangkana.Yet he expressed doubts about the naming of the Churni River by Maharaja Krishnachandra.He wrote-After much deliberation, he chose a place near the Ichchamati River away from Krishnanagar.The place was forested and surrounded by water.A fakir named Nasrat Khan used to live there and the place was named as Nasrat Khan Ber.The king deforested that place and built a city there.The watercourse that was on the four sides, a canal of a thousand cubits long was cut from the eastern side to connect it with the Ichchamati River.Another canal of three korosha (six miles) was cut and joined with the mouth of the Anjana River north of Hanskhali.By connecting with these two rivers, the water body got its flow.As it was round like a bangle, the king named it Kangkana.He named the city Shibnibas (To access the original Bengali text, please refer to Supporting Information S1: Annexure VIII).
Kartikeya Chandra Ray writes that the place was "forested and surrounded by water body."Being surrounded by water only means being surrounded by horseshoe-shaped lakes.As the horseshoe lake was not connected to the feeder river, it had no flow.Probably that is why, canals were cut to the east and west to make the channel and bangle-like circular watercourse flow.Since there were horseshoe-shaped lakes, there must have been rivers too.Maybe that river was a stagnant one.That is why the wise Dewan Raghunandan restored 1000 cubits on the east side and six miles on the west side of this decayed river and connected the moat (Kangkana) with the Ichamati River and made the palace impenetrable.
Ray wrote, that the moat around the palace was connected by the cut of 457.2 and 9.66 km (total 10.11 km) canal to the east and west and connected with the rivers Ichamati and Anjana, respectively, and made the moat flow.Never had he mentioned that Krishnachandra named the cut canal "Kangkana" or "Churni."Rather, it is mentioned that the moat was named "Kangkana."Another thing to note is that the reach from Hardham to Shibpur is half a krosha or 1.61 km.Maharaja Krishnachandra cut the canal in this part too.Very important points mentioned by Ray are: 1. Maharaja Krishnachandra cut a canal from Hardham to Shibpur 2. Whether Maharaja Krishnachandra named this reach as Churni or whether the pre-existing part of this river had this name, is not possible to know for sure.
The question is whether Krishnachandra cut a new canal of half a crosha (1.61 km) from Hardham to Shibpur or restored the earlier dilapidated river.Because he wrote in the next line, "or the part of this river that existed earlier has this name, cannot be known for sure."This line indicates the earlier existence of the river Churni before Krishnachandra cut the canal.The second point is that Kartikeya Chandra Ray was not sure whether the name "Churni Nadi" was already existed or given by Maharaja Krishnachandra.However, it is certain that even at that time of Ray, there was a story about the naming of the "Churni River" by Krishna Chandra and Kartikeya Chandra Ray made inquiries about it, but did not find any information from which any definite conclusion could be reached.Therefore, it is plausible that the river Churni existed in a very decayed state before Maharaja Krishna Chandra shifted his palace at Shibnibas and Krishna Chandra could have restored it.

| Mukhopadhyaya (1811)
Sixty-five years before Kartikeya Chandra Ray's work, "Kshitish Vansambali Charit" was written, by Mukhopadhyaya (1811).He writes, "One-day Maharaja Krishnachandra intended for hunting and ordered servants to get equipped with arms and everyone got ready.The king went on horseback and hunted in the dense forest.Eventually, he reached a blissful place.There is a small island surrounded by rivers and many animals and birds making various pleasant sounds.On the instructions of Maharaja Krishnachandra, his men built a palace there.And the river surrounding the island became the moat.He made the main road by closing the river in the south, making it a place for the soldiers to stay.Two large cannons were placed on both sides of the road so that the enemy could not enter suddenly" (To access the original Bengali text, please refer to Supporting Information S1: Annexure IX).
In this essay by Mukhopadhyay, the points that need to be analyzed with special care are: (1) "small island surrounded by rivers," (2) the river surrounding the island became the moat, (3) he made the main road by bridging the river in the south, making it a place for the soldiers to stay.All these three indicate that the place where the Shibnibas palace was established was already surrounded by a river and that river itself was transformed into the moat surrounding the palace.However, the question is, was that water body around a flowing river?Is it possible to close a flowing river to make a main road?Perhaps the water body was a nonflowing oxbow lake around the place.That is why Maharaja Krishnachandra could close it in the south.One more thing is noteworthy in this context, the story of cutting the canal from "Kangkana" to the Ichamati River and Anjana River under the instructions of Maharaja Krishnachandra is missing in Mukhopadhyay's essay.Another thing worth noting is Mukhopadhyay's "Sri Maharaja Krishna Chandra Raisya Charitang" is the oldest work related to Shibnibas and the Churni River!He wrote the history just one generation after the incident (69 years).On the other hand "Kshitish Vansambali Charit" and "Nadia Kahani" were written 134 and 177 years respectively after the event of establishing the capital at Shibnibas.Judging from the viewpoint of time-gap, Mukhopadhyay's work appears more reliable.But the story of cutting the canal to connect the moat "Kangkana" with the river Churni and the confluence of the river Anjana also appears significant in analyzing the local geographical history of the place concerned.Even today it is seen that there are several meander scars and oxbow lakes surrounding the area which surely indicate the ancient flow of the river in the area.Therefore, it is very reasonable to assume that perhaps Maharaja Krishnachandra built a moat around Shibnibas by renovating such an oxbow lake.He plausibly restored the river from its decayed state which again after 25 years, during Rennel's survey became degraded and detached from the river Mathabhanga.
At present ( 2023), like Bhairab and Jalangi, the Mathabhanga remains beheaded from the river Padma.In the near future, if no miracle takes place, river Jalangi will cease to exist!River Churni may also have the same fate, maybe in relatively distant future.

| Anjana theory
The main point of this theory is that the reach of the Churni River from Hanskhali to Churni-Hooghly confluence at Shibpur was originally the Anjana River.Later, when Maharaja Krishnachandra cut the Churni canal from the Ichamati River and extended it to Hanskhali by connecting it with the moat of Shibnibas palace (or after 1780), this reach of the river Anjana was named "Churni" (Figure 3).
There are a few points to analyze about Anjana theory.First of all, where is the beginning of this theory and how is this theory mentioned in the original text?Second, how much is the factual probability of this theory?
Ray wrote about the Anjana River, "This stream is a branch of the Jalangi River.It bifurcates near Jatrapur village after moving southwards through the west of Krishnanagar.One branch (right branch) passes through Jaipur, Jalalkhali, Dharmada, Badkulla, and so on.From Mamjoan, a village near Aranghata, the river turns southwards.Another branch (left branch) runs through Jatrapur, Betna, etc villages and reaches Hanskhali from where it turns southward and joins the left branch near Mamjoyan … The river passes north of Hardham and joins the Ganges near Chakdah' (Ray, 1876, to access the original Bengali text, please refer to Supporting Information S1: Annexure X).
Citing this portion of Kartikeya Chandra Ray's work, his successors referred to the Churni River from Hanskhali to Hooghly-Churni confluence as ancient Anjana.But, it is essential to critically analyze the previous work of Kartikeya Chandra Ray, specifically "Kshitish Vansavali Charit" and the portrayal of the Churni River by Mukhopadhyay (Śrī mahārāja kr̥ ṣṇacandra rāẏasya caritaṁ) to gain a comprehensive understanding.First, from these words "The part of this river that existed formerly has this name" (Ray 1876) it is apparent that part of the river from Shibnibas to Shibpur existed before Shibnibas was established.Second, Kartikeya Chandra Ray was uncertain about the existence of the river's name, "Churni," before or after the establishment of Shibnibas.Third, it is highly logical to deduce that the place, having been surrounded by an oxbow lake before the capital's relocation to Shibnibas, and also having a river, would naturally have its lower reaches.Fourth, Kartikeya Chandra Ray mentioned a "Nadi-mohana" meaning "river mouth" or "estuary" of the river Anjana to the north of Hanskhali where a cut canal from the moat was connected.Fifth, Kartikeya Chandra Ray referred to a geographical feature called "Nadi-mohana," which translates to "river mouth" or "estuary" of the river Anjana, located to the north of Hanskhali where the canal from the moat around Shibnibas was connected.To fully grasp the intended meaning of this statement, it is important to recognize the significance of the term "Nadi-mohana" or "estuary" or "river mouth."In the realm of river science, "river mouth" or "estuary" and "river confluence" represent distinct concepts.Specifically, "Nadi-Mohana" signifies the point where a river meets the sea, while "Nadi-Sangam" denotes the junction or confluence of two rivers.Kartikeya Chandra Ray did not use the term "Mohana" to imply the meeting point of the Anjana River and the sea.Instead, he employed the words "Mohana" and "Sangam" interchangeably.Hence, it is plausible that "Mohana" refers to the confluence of another river with the Anjana.It is unlikely that this other river is the Churni, which had been severely degraded at that time and was subsequently restored by Maharaja Krishna Chandra.
Following Kartikeya Chandra Ray, many referred to the lower reaches of the Churni River from Hanskhali as the ancient course of Anjana (Chattopadhyaya, 2007;Karmakar, 2019b).But the issues that come up in the inquiry are: 1.The villagers living on the banks of the Churni River downstream from Hanskhali do not have any knowledge or familiarity with the names "Anjana" or "Kangkana" being associated with any part of the river in their vicinity.2. A notable contrast exists between the average width and average bankfull-depth of the Anjana River (1.96 m) and the Churni River (4.5 m).The depth of the Churni River downstream from Hanskhali is three to four times greater than that of the Anjana River.This substantial difference in depth contradicts the notion of the 'Anjana Theory'.
3. The general topography of the Anjana basin demonstrates a south and southwest slope.Consequently, it remains puzzling why a comparatively small river like Anjana would flow against this land slope, initially toward the north and then eastward until reaching Hanskhali.The provided writings do not explain this anomaly.It is worth mentioning in this context, that the left branch (northern branch) of Anjana from Jatrapur to Hanskhali is also called Haler Khal (Dutta 1996).This additional detail should be taken into consideration as well.4. As previously mentioned, before the shift of the capital, the location was encompassed by an oxbow lake, indicating the presence of a river in the area.Furthermore, considering that the river originated in the Shibnibas region, it is reasonable to assume that it would have had a downstream course.Given Raghunandan's astute nature as a Dewan, it is highly probable that he would have undertaken the restoration of the deteriorated canal, both to minimize expenses and to preserve the longevity of the river.5.In light of the circumstances, it is possible that the Anjana River was of similar scale and magnitude as the Churni River during that period.This could explain why Kartikeya Chandra Ray referred to the downstream portion of the Churni from Hanskhali as the Anjana.

| On the principles of river science
While every river within the Ganga-Brahmaputra-Meghna delta possesses distinct characteristics in their respective localities, certain shared traits can be identified that set them apart from man-made canals.Due to their flow over highly adaptable alluvial terrain with low slopes, these rivers exhibit a meandering pattern in their courses.Numerous techniques exist for quantifying the extent of meandering in river channels.In our study, we utilized Sinuosity Index (Brice, 1964) to compare the level of meandering in the Bhagirathi, Jalangi, and Churni rivers (Table 1).
1.The Churni River exhibits a significantly lower Sinuosity Index (1.30) compared to the Bhagirathi River (2.96) and the Jalangi River (2.67).Bandyopadhyaya (2007) mentioned that the Churni River, due to its alignment with a fault line, demonstrates less sinuosity.Additionally, surveys revealed that the soil texture within the Churni River basin is finer, more resistant and not readily adjustable to flow processes compared to the Bhagirathi and Jalangi basins.The soil in these areas exhibits a high stickiness factor, which restricts the Churni River from forming a more pronounced meandering pattern.2. The natural rivers in the Ganga-Brahmaputra-Meghna delta region display additional characteristics, such as the presence of oxbow lakes and meander scars.Within the Pabakhali to Chowgancha region, spanning both banks of the Churni River, a minimum of five horseshoe-shaped lakes and meander scars can be identified.Furthermore, to the east of Mayurhat-Tarak Nagar, Mamjoan, and near Parua, several meander scars are observed.These features further substantiate the natural origin and evolution of the Churni River, as no anomalies or irregularities are detected in this regard.3. The question of whether the oxbow lakes and meander scars are associated with the channel originating from the Churni River or from other rivers is of significant relevance.To investigate the umbilical linkage between these features and the Churni River, we conducted a test using the doubt index (Das et al., 2020).The results indicated that the magnitude of doubt index was less than 10%, implying a strong likelihood (90%) that the oxbow lakes and meander scars indeed originated from the Churni River.4. Channel asymmetry is a fundamental characteristic observed in natural rivers, where the river bed typically exhibits nonsymmetrical features.In our study, we employed Knighton's method (1981) to assess the asymmetry of the Churni River, Bhagirathi River, and Jalangi River.The results revealed that the Churni River displays lower levels of asymmetry (±0.01 to ±0.48) compared to the Bhagirathi River (±0.21 to ±0.62) and the Jalangi River (±0.12 to ±0.33).However, it is important to note that the Churni River, although not symmetric like an artificial canal, exhibits a lesser degree of asymmetry.It is worth considering that tidal rivers generally exhibit lower levels of asymmetry.In the case of the Churni River, the flow in its lower reach is influenced by tides, which naturally contributes to a reduced level of asymmetry.5. Dynamicity is one of the most important properties of natural deltaic channels in contrast to static artificial canals.The following table shows the dynamic nature of the planform geomorphology of the river Churni indicating its natural origin and evolution.Wavelength, radius of curvature, arc angle, and amplitude of meanders show a significant variability (Table 2).Canals are generally straight in planform fashion owing to their artificial origin, while meandering is a very common feature of deltaic rivers and there are numerous meanders in Churni River (Figure 4).6. Deltaic rivers are known for their tendency to undergo channel shifting over time.In the case of the Churni River, exhibits considerably less migration compared to the Bhagirathi and Jalangi Rivers.However, it is worth noting that near the "Dakshin-Majdia" village, located on the south-west of Ranaghat, the Churni River has experienced a maximum shift of 671 m toward the south-east (Figure 5).This significant shift serves as further evidence supporting the natural origin and evolutionary processes of the Churni River.
The comprehensive analysis based on river science provides compelling evidence to support the natural origin of the Churni River and refutes its classification as an artificial canal.
In the book "Banglar Nadi Katha" by Rudra (2010), it is noted on page 39 that during Rennell's time, there was no connection between the Churni and Mathabhanga rivers.The Churni was then a small river, and it is challenging to determine precisely when the connection between the Churni and Mathabhanga rivers occurred.It is speculated that during one of the floods in the 19th century, a headwater stream flowed southwest and merged with the Churni.Thus, during the survey by Rennel conducted from Source: Islam (2016), Das (2013), Mondal and Bandyopadhyay (2022).not flow from the Mathabhanga River.The description of Shivanibaas, surrounded by water or rivers, implies the presence of a river in the area before Shivaniba was established as the capital in 1742.The moat surrounding Shivanibaas is believed to be the remnants of the decayed channel of that river.Despite being revived by Krishnachandra Raja in 1742, the Churni River experienced a rapid decline, and by 1767, it became detached from the Mathabhanga River once again, witnessed by Rennell.The Churni River had likely been flowing in a decayed state long before the time of Krishnachandra, which explains its separation from the Mathabhanga River, just 25 years after restoration in 1742.
In the report of the Moore Committee (1919) it is also written-"The Jalangi and Matabhanga-Churni are comparatively new rivers, the modern Churni having opened out since Rennell's time at the end of the 18th century" (Moore, 1919).In the same report (p.55), it is noted: "Below Sibnibas in Rennell's time it (Mathabhanga) continued along the present Ichhamati channel for about 20 miles and the Churni was a mere nullah, then branched off due westward and passing somewhere just north of Aranghata, trended south-westward into its present channel at Ranaghat."The above quotation explains the different off-take and flow paths of the river Churni, some 32.19 km (20 miles) south of Shibnibas.If Maharaja Krishnachandra had cut the Churni River in 1741 in its present course, then it was obvious to find it by Rennell in 1776.However, the above-mentioned report is attested in Figure 6 but another course (plausibly of the then Churni River which was restored by Maharaja Krishnachandra and again had been detached from Ichhamati) is found in the map of Rennell extending upward from Shibpur, north of Chakdaha by Ranaghat, Aranghata, and Gobindappur after where the course ends up south-west of Shibnibas and not connected with the river Ichhamati (Rennell, 1776).A bending of the course near Krishnagar before reaching Gobindapur is plausibly indicating the part of the present course of Haler Khal.Another point to note is that the channel is not connected with the river Jalangi at Krishnagar as the river Anjana.
Based on Moore's term "Modern Churni" in the report, it can be reasonably deduced that before the late 18thcentury establishment of the "Modern Churni," an "Old Churni" also existed.It is plausible that Maharaja Krishnachandra undertook the renovation of this preexisting ancient Churni.The footnote of that report is written as-"Rennell shows the Churni as a small distributary of the Ichhamati entering the present channel about Aranghata in a due westerly course."Captain Colebrooke's statement in the Moore Committee report is written as follows-"The Matabhanga when surveyed in 1795 was navigable throughout in the dry season, for boats of moderate burden.However, this year (1797), I was informed that the passage was no longer practicable for boats proceeding to Calcutta" (Colebrooke, 1803).

| An estimation
If Maharaja Krishna Chandra were to excavate a completely new canal, it would be expected to have a straight course rather than the meandering path observed in natural rivers like the Churni.Considering an average width of 70 m and an average depth of 4.5 m for the Churni canal, we can analyze the necessary soil excavation, the required number of laborers, and the time needed to finish the task.Assuming that each laborer can excavate 100 cubic feet of soil per day and two laborers are needed for soil transportation to the river bank, we can estimate the overall labor force.The total volume of soil to be excavated is calculated to be 210,531,420 cubic feet.Consequently, the total labor force required amounts to approximately 6,315,943 individuals.The projected timeline for completing the excavation is approximately 21,053 days, equivalent to roughly 57 years and 7 months.However, if the number of laborers is increased by tenfold, employing 3000 workers daily, the excavation could be completed in approximately 2105 days, which is around 5 years and 10 months (Table 3).
Did the decision to invest such a huge amount of time, labor, and resources into the project truly hold any necessity?Considering that the project, as portrayed in absurd stories, lacked purpose or relevance.Furthermore, does it appear that a discerning Dewan (revenue minister) like Raghunandan made such a decision at all?It seems that the project could have been completed in a more costeffective manner and within a shorter timeframe by utilizing fewer labor forces by restoring the pre-existing decayed course of the river.

| The natural river originally existed
Based on an analysis of the available literature and the current state of the channel morphology, it becomes evident that the purported myths and rumors surrounding the origin of the river Churni, suggesting its creation as a deliberate man-made canal by the efforts of Maharaja Krishnachandra, lack substantial evidence.On the contrary, it seems more plausible that his efforts were directed toward revitalizing the deteriorated and silt-laden course of the pre-existing river.
The justification for the existence of the Churni River in a deteriorated condition before the establishment of Shibnibas Palace can be derived from a convergence of historical literature and maps.The earliest literary references, such as Mukhopadhyaya (1811), Ray (1876), andMallik (1910), all acknowledge, directly or indirectly, the presence of the Churni River before the royal palace was shifted there.These accounts not only validate the river's existence but also indicate the shifting of the course of the river by mentioning a bangle-like water body, plausibly an oxbow lake surrounding Shibnibas palace.The description of this water body as an oxbow lake strongly indicates a riverine origin, supporting the notion that the Churni River existed in a deteriorated state before the foundation of Shibnibas Palace.Although later accounts by Mallik and Ray suggest some restoration processes initiated by Maharaja Krishnachandra, none of them claim a whole excavation of the river as an artificial canal.Instead, they point to the river's persistent presence with ongoing efforts at restoration.Rennell's map (1776) further strengthens the argument by illustrating the old deteriorated course of the Churni River, detached from the Mathabhanga River (Figure 6).This depiction implies a rapid deterioration of the Churni's course only 24 years after restoration efforts by Maharaja Krishnachandra.
The reference to the "Modern Churni" by Moore (1919) implies the existence of an "Old Churni" before the late 18th century.Colebrooke's (1803) account, noting the impassable Mathabhanga route, underscores the Churni River's historical navigability, reinforcing its existence before palace construction.Together, these sources strongly indicate the presence of a deteriorated Churni River preceding the royal architectural developments at Shibnibas.Moreover, Colebrooke's (1803) account, mentioning that the passage through Mathabhanga "was no longer practicable for boats proceeding to Calcutta," strongly indicates the Churni's deteriorated course.Because the navigation route of one of the three Nadia Rivers was Mathabhanga-Churni.
High sinuosity index (2.64), the presence of several oxbow lakes, an asymmetric channel (A* ranging from ±0.01 to ±0.48), and a shifting river channel, collectively suggest a natural rather than artificial origin.The high sinuosity index reflects the river's meandering course, a feature resulting from natural erosional and depositional processes.Oxbow lakes, formed through the river's natural meandering neck cut-off, further support the argument for a natural origin.The presence of an asymmetric channel and the shifting of the river channel are characteristic of dynamic, evolving natural river systems shaped by ongoing geomorphic processes such as sedimentation and erosion.These combined features strongly justify the Churni River's natural, rather than artificial, origin.It is worth clarifying that Maharaja Krishnachandra plausibly did not assign the name "Kangkana" to any portion of the river; rather, this appellation was designated for the protective moat encircling the Shibnibas palace.The uncertainty surrounding the naming of the river "Churni" is evident from the lack of evidence presented by Chattopadhyaya (2007), Thakur (2019), Karmakar (2019a), and others.As these sources fail to provide conclusive evidence regarding Maharaja Krishnachandra's role in naming the river, their views may be reasonably discarded.Ray's (1876) statement further highlights the ambiguity.He explicitly mentions that it is not possible to ascertain whether Maharaja Krishnachandra named the river Churni or if the river already bore this name.The lack of definitive information underscores the challenges in determining the origin of the name, emphasizing the uncertainty surrounding the attribution of the name "Churni" to Maharaja Krishnachandra.

| THE LAST WORDS
Nonetheless, the persistence of these rumors spanning centuries could potentially be rooted in certain psychological tendencies inherent to the general populace.The presentation of absurd false narratives as factual accounts is a skill that some individuals possess, almost like an art form.However, it is essential to recognize the role played by the audience in this dynamic.The audience, too, often prefers to embrace F I G U R E 6 The course of the then Churni River (highlighted with light blue color) is found in the map (Rennell, 1779) extending upward from Seeppur (Shibpur), north of Chogda (Chakdaha) by Runnagaut (Ranaghat), Aurungottee (Aranghata) and Govindpour (Gobindappur) after where the course ends south-west of Sibnibas (Shibnibas) and not connected with the river Ichhamati.A bending of the course near Krishnagar before reaching Gobindapur is plausibly indicating part of the present course of Haler Khal.Another point to note is that the channel is not connected with the river Jalangi at Krishnagar as the river Anjana.falsehoods, miracles, and implausible concepts.Consequently, it becomes easier for those who propagate these absurd falsehoods as truth.In reality, logic, reason, and critical thinking sometimes force society to confront harsh, uncomfortable truths that may be unpleasant or unwanted.Sometimes people don't want to hear the truth because they do not want their illusions destroyed (Friedrich Nietzsche).The act of excavating and restoring a naturally formed and heavily silted river may lack the grandeur and glamour associated with it.On the contrary, there is a sense of regality attached to the narrative of creating an entire river by cutting a canal, which tends to be more captivating and believable.Furthermore, it is natural for people to embellish stories of past glory, enhancing the real truth with elements of exaggeration to make them more appealing and popular.Many earlier writers have acknowledged that the site where the Shibnibas Palace stands was originally surrounded by a water body, possibly an oxbow lake, indicating the presence of a river.However, when recounting the origin of the Churni River, the consideration of this original water body and the potential river surrounding Shibnibas seems to have been overlooked.It is not that everyone consciously avoided addressing this issue; rather, subconsciously, the allure of the story overpowers logical reasoning and analysis.
Unraveling the truth behind the river's origin provides valuable insights into local hydrological heritage, which in turn will facilitate future resource management and sustainable development practices of the Churni River basin.Understanding whether the Churni River is a product of natural processes or human intervention has far-reaching implications for local communities, as well as for historical and cultural preservation.Moreover, this study sheds light on the significant anthropogenic impact on the region's landscape, emphasizing the need for informed decision-making and responsible environmental stewardship.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I extend my sincere gratitude to Dr. Biplab Sarkar, Sri Suman DebBarman, and Dr. Sadik Mahammad for their invaluable assistance in creating the visual representations of figures.I also want to express my deep appreciation to the anonymous reviewers whose constructive feedback significantly enhanced the quality of this manuscript.

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I G U R E 2 Presence of several fragmented oxbow lakes/paleochannels surrounding Shibnibas indicates the existence of river(s) before the shifting of the capital of Nadia Raj at Shibnibas and substantiates the natural origin and rejects the artificial origin hypothesis of the river Churni.

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I G U R E 3 Downstream of the river Churni from Hanskhali and the course of the Anjana River.It is said that the course of the river Churni from Hanskhali to Byaspur is the old course of the river Anjana.Anjana River bifurcates at Jatrapur and the left branch (now fragmented into numerous ponds and shown in light blue color), known as "Haler Khal" reaches Hanskhali and runs south to meet the right branch at Byaspur.As per Anjana Theory, Maharaja Krishnachandra cuts the Churni canal and joins it with the Anjana River at Hanskhali.

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I G U R E 4 Meanders in the lower reach of the river Churni indicate its natural origin and evolution.(a) The course of the river Churni from Shibnibas to Shibpur.Red circles pointing locations of meander bends and green circles points to namable settlements on the banks.(b) to (e) magnifies meanders M1, M2, M3, and M4 shown in (a).

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I G U R E 5 Meander bend of the river Churni at South East of Ranaghat in Dakshin-Majdia, has been shifted in the historical past.Red arrows show the magnitude of radial shifting of the channel in different directions.
T A B L E 2 Planform morphometric variability (standard deviation[SD], coefficient of variation[CV], and interquartile range[IQR]) indicating toward natural evolution of the river (After Sarkar, 2021).
DAS| 101 T A B L E 3 Estimated soil cut, needed laborers, and time for making artificial canal of Churni.If 100 cubic feet of soil is cut by one laborer and carried by two laborers. a