Recognition in the lives of unaccompanied children and youth: A review of the key European literature

This integrative literature review studies well-being of unaccompanied asylum-seeking children through the three modes of recognition — love, rights and solidarity — as conceptualized by Axel Honneth. The analysis shows that the children's basic needs, such as safety, shelter and nutrition, are mostly recognized; however, the systems responsible for the care of unaccompanied children seem to misidentify other essential needs, such as the need for stability, need for caring, family-like relationships and the need to be heard and seen as unique persons. We suggest that more research is needed to explore how recognition is displayed in the range of institutional, social and cultural structures in which unaccompanied children live. Further-more, we call for research on how recognition is experienced by the children and youth themselves. It is also argued that practitioners and policy-makers in social work should be educated about the elements of recognition and that their practices and policies should prioritize the rights and needs of the child over questions of age or immigration status.

Europe, followed by an outline of the theoretical and methodological approaches guiding this analysis. Then, the findings of the analysis are presented thematically.

| UNACCOMPANIED CHILDREN AND YOUTH IN EUROPE
The term unaccompanied children and youth refers to young people who seek or have sought asylum as minors without a parent or other primary caregiver. They may be waiting for their asylum decision, may have been granted residency permits or given refugee status. Various To fulfil this goal, the Commission has set minimum standards for the reception of asylum-seeking people. However, critics note these standards are not properly applied in all member states. In particular, reports have been made on the neglect to follow the CRC in asylum practices relating to unaccompanied children and youth (European Commission, 2016;UNICEF, 2018).

| RECOGNITION THEORY
This study draws on the recognition theory as conceptualized by Axel Honneth (1995aHonneth ( , 1995bHonneth ( , 2012, Nancy Fraser (1995Fraser ( , 2000 and Charles Taylor (1994). We acknowledge the limitation of using the theory of recognition as an unchallenged framework guiding this review. At the same time, we note that Honneth, Fraser and Taylor all present different views of the theory, all of which have been criticized. For example, Honneth's views on recognition are questioned for regarding children not as active participants of their lives but more so as 'adults in waiting' (Thomas, 2012, p. 258;Warming, 2015). Furthermore, they have been criticized for overlooking the fact that being mistreated does not always lead to awareness of injustice (Thompson, 2006, p. 166). However, the purpose of this study is not to present the theory as uncontested but instead to illustrate and structure the findings of previous studies from this perspective, which has not been extensively used so far in the literature.
To be recognized, one must be seen and heard as a unique person by the community and understood in a way that agrees with one's own constructive self-perception (Honneth, 1995a(Honneth, , 1995bTaylor, 1994) within an environment where all people equally valued and where their contributions are appreciated and accepted (Fraser, 2000). Misrecognition occurs when a person's needs, rights or abilities are misinterpreted by others or by societal structures and institutions, resulting in the person being denied full access to participate in the community (Huttunen, 2007). Honneth (1995aHonneth ( , 1995bHonneth ( , 2012 and Taylor (1994) emphasized the interconnectedness of identity formation and recognition, whereas Fraser (2000) viewed recognition primarily as connected to redistribution of resources, highlighting the political aspect of recognition. Fraser argued that recognition and misrecognition are not limited to personal relationships but are very much rooted in the institutions and structures of societies (Fraser, 2000;Thompson, 2006). Fraser (2000), Thompson (2006) and Dunwoodie, Kaukko, Wilkinson, Reimer and Webb (2020), among many others, placed recognition in a combined structural and personal dimension. The theory of recognition as applied in this study agrees with this view. Honneth (1995aHonneth ( , 1995b differentiates between three modes of recognition: love, rights and solidarity. Love refers to recognizing everyone as a unique, singular person with unique needs and a capability to feel. This dimension of recognition is closely related to relationships in families. As a primary need, it typically begins as a parent's response to a baby. In an ideal situation, it continues throughout life through the unconditional love of those close to a person (usually parents), but the primary sources of love (parents or other family members) are often absent from the lives of unaccompanied children and youth. In addition, while loving relationships can lead to self-confidence, this confidence can be harmed by misrecognition (Honneth, 1995a;Sirriyeh & Ní Raghallaigh, 2018;Thomas, 2012;Warming, 2015). Rights refer to an individual's unique capabilities of self-determination and moral deliberation; everyone is a bearer of rights and duties. Rights-holders are recognized as capable of taking part in a civil society and societal decisions. Being recognized as having rights builds self-respect (Honneth, 1995a(Honneth, , 1995b. In the case of unaccompanied children and youth, this mode of recognition is connected primarily with legal rights (Sirriyeh & Ní Raghallaigh, 2018;Warming, 2015). Finally, solidarity1 is the recognition of a person's unique skills and achievements rather than the recognition of qualities outside of the individual's control, such as ethnicity or gender (Honneth, 1995b). Solidarity, in practice, in the lives of unaccompanied children and youth (as well as in the lives of all people) is often displayed through participation within a community. This, according to Honneth (1995aHonneth ( , 1995bHonneth ( , 2012, creates solidarity and builds selfesteem. Honneth (1995aHonneth ( , 1995b argued that these modes require reciprocal interaction; thus, they are incomplete without social interaction. Although interconnected, Honneth (1995aHonneth ( , 1995b) viewed them as hierarchical; for example, without self-confidence, one cannot have self-respect or self-esteem. However, Fraser (2000), among others (e.g., Huttunen, 2007;Kallio, 2017;Thomas, 2012;Warming, 2015), argued that all three modes can be present simultaneously at all ages and all stages of life. Thomas (2012), who explored the theory of recognition especially from the point of view of a child, claimed that Honneth's theory failed to acknowledge children as bearers of rights or as autonomous beings with socially valuable capabilities. In agreement with Kallio (2017), Thomas (2012) and others, we propose that children are not only receivers of love and care, but also, they play an equal part in reciprocal recognitive relationships.

| METHODS
Beginning from the theoretical perspectives as outlined, the aim of this research is to synthesize findings of recent studies on unaccompanied children and youth in Europe and consider how, in light of these perspectives, the modes of recognition are displayed in the everyday lives of this population. The methodological choices followed the principles of the integrative literature review (Torraco, 2005) and the search, selection, extraction and analysis methods for scoping studies by Arksey and O'Malley (2005). The review was conducted using two major databases (EBSCO and Scopus) and using the following search phrases or words: (Unaccompanied OR separated) AND ('Asylum seek*' OR refugee) AND (minor* OR child* OR youth* OR underage*); the search was limited to studies conducted between 2008 and 2018 and included studies that were published online or in print within that time period. This search resulted in 511 documents.
Although people with refugee and asylum-seeking backgrounds globally may share similar experiences, they are subject to procedures that vary, depending on the context and their refugee status (as asylum seekers or quota refugees). Therefore, as Europe constitutes an entity with similar systems, and with high numbers of unaccompanied children and youth in many of its states, only studies on European contexts were reviewed.

| Conducting the study
The 511 documents resulting from the database search were initially screened for relevance based on the article titles after which 233 articles remained. Of these 233 articles, all abstract, and when needed, parts of the articles were read to determine whether the articles should be included or excluded based on partly predetermined selection criteria ( Table 1).
The most common reason for exclusion was mental health as the primary focus, which accounted for approximately 15% of the 233 articles and included studies specifically focused on trauma (e.g., Völkl-Kernstock et al., 2014), depression and depressive symptoms (e.g., Keles, Idsøe, Friborg, Sirin, & Oppedal, 2017) and behavioural problems (e.g., Bronstein, Montgomery, & Ott, 2013). Following this step, 37 articles filled the selection criteria. After the selection, the findings of the 37 studies were thematically analysed based on the three stages of recognition conceptualized by Honneth (e.g., 1995aHonneth (e.g., , 1995b: love, rights and solidarity. Next, on the basis of the findings of the analysis, the authors discuss how unaccompanied children and youth living in Europe experience recognition-love, rights and solidarity-in their everyday lives.

| FINDINGS
Many of the studies reviewed presented unaccompanied children and youth as rather satisfied with the reception structures and procedures they encountered, especially when the focus was on the systems that secure children's basic needs, such as safety, shelter and food. However, many studies suggested the systems seemed to overlook other essential needs, such as full access to medical help while still waiting for the residency permit (Connolly, 2015 (Derluyn, 2018). These diverse findings are further elaborated on thematically in the following sections, from the points of view of love, rights and solidarity.

| Right to be heard
Recognition of rights means not only recognizing the rights of people but also recognizing people as bearers of responsibilities and people with their own voice. Pastoor (2015) and Chase (2010)  detained (Connolly, 2015).
Rules can play a major role in recognition of rights in the lives of any person. Studies by Allsopp and Chase (2019), Eriksson and Hedberg Rundgren (2019) and Kaukko and Wernesjö (2017) showed that although many unaccompanied children and youth acknowledged that rules are necessary, the implementation of the rules was often seen as inconsistent. Some unaccompanied young people expressed how the lack of opportunities to participate in decision-making diminished their agency (Gustafsson et al., 2012;Kaukko & Wernesjö, 2017;Lundberg & Dahlquist, 2012), whereas others felt it was the job of the adults to make decisions on behalf of the young people, adults who may not have understood their interests (Kaukko, 2016). In both cases, the lack of information about the reasons for the rules was problematic, leading to a feeling of misrecognition, as the young people's abilities to understand their own situations within the asylum system were questioned (Deveci, 2012;Hopkins & Hill, 2010;Kaukko & Wernesjö, 2017;Lundberg & Dahlquist, 2012;Sedmak & Medari c, 2017). The denial of participation in decision-making, the lack of justification and the inconsistencies in rules can create unhealthy power relationships and hold back formation of trusting relationships between officials and unac-
For unaccompanied children and youth to be recognized as valuable, active members of their communities, those communities must recognize the young individuals' knowledge and skills (Honneth, 1995b). Allsopp and Chase (2019), Bitzi and Landolt (2017), Gustafsson et al. (2012) and Lundberg and Dahlquist (2012) Wernesjö, 2015). Furthermore, shared experiences with peers create a feeling of recognition and inclusion in society, leading to selfrealization and self-esteem (Honneth, 1995a). Eriksson and Hedberg Rundgren (2019) showed how many unaccompanied children and youth found it easy to participate in the community of immigrants (or other unaccompanied children and youth), whereas schools or local communities sometimes created feelings of exclusion (e.g., Bitzi & Landolt, 2017;Lundberg & Dahlquist, 2012 ;Ní Raghallaigh, 2011;Pastoor, 2017;Wernesjö, 2015). At schools, the feeling of exclusion was caused not only by having an asylum-seeking background but also by the fact that because of gaps in education, many unaccompanied children and youth are older than their peers (Bitzi & Landolt, 2017;Oppedal et al., 2017). Moreover, several articles (Bitzi & Landolt, 2017;Lundberg & Dahlquist, 2012;Ní Raghallaigh, 2011;Pastoor, 2017;Wernesjö, 2015)  and Pastoor (2015Pastoor ( , 2017 showed, furthermore, that some of the children and youth clearly expressed a desire to recognize and to be rec- so that their practices and policies will prioritize the rights and needs of the child over questions of age or immigration status and will enable recognition in its all forms.
Several of the reviewed studies focus on issues raised by the children and youth themselves, rather than on their assumed trauma or vulnerability as seen from the outside. This is a welcome approach in the typically trouble-centred research field related to unaccompanied children and youth. However, recent research still tends to cluster all unaccompanied children and youth in the same category with common needs, strengths and resiliencies. Furthermore, research is concentrated on very few geographical areas, with Great Britain, Norway and Sweden being overrepresented and fewer voices coming from areas such as the Baltic States and Finland. Therefore, we suggest that there is a need for more research exploring how recognition is displayed in the lives of unaccompanied children and youth in the great range of different institutional, social and cultural structures of different host countries. Furthermore, more research is needed on how recognition is experienced by the children themselves. This would shift the scientific discourse around unaccompanied children and youth from fixed categories of vulnerability and trauma into seeing them as individuals worthy of recognition.

FUNDING INFORMATION
The first author has received funding for this research from the Finnish Cultural Foundation, grant number 00180491.

DATA AVAILABILITY STATEMENT
Data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study. We acknowledge the controversies with the term 'solidarity,' connected to, for example, in some Right Wing political rhetoric justifying exclusive welfare policies (e.g., Van Dyk & Grafe, 2019). In this article, solidarity refers to the third principle of recognition (Honneth, 1995b), emphasizing the shared experience of participation in a caring, inclusive community.