Tackling alcoholism and domestic violence in fisheries—A new opportunity to improve well‐being for the most vulnerable people in global fisheries

The UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) principle of ‘Leaving no one behind’ focusses global attention on the poorest and most vulnerable people. As different sectors grapple to engage meaningfully with this principle, we posit that greater consideration of social problems in fishing-dependent communities, such as alcoholism and domestic violence, presents an opportunity for fisheries governors to contribute to the SDGs mandate. We further argue that governing marine resources in ignorance of these problems can risk harming some of the most vulnerable people in fisheries. Using subjective wellbeing data from women living in two small-scale fishing communities in India and Sri Lanka, we demonstrate the prevalence and impact of alcoholism and domestic violence in fishing households. We further highlight how policies which restrict access to marine resources can undermine important coping strategies, in particular the ability of women to act as independent income-earners, exacerbating harm to already vulnerable women. A scoping review of the literature reveals that alcoholism and domestic violence are reported in certain fisheries around the world, and we theorise how this may relate to the nature of fishing life, and growing stresses regarding the future of fishing. Tackling the burdens of alcoholism and domestic violence in fisheries, where it is an issue, is an opportunity to improve wellbeing for men, women and their families. The paper concludes with tangible actions which marine resource governors could adopt to contribute to the ‘leave no one behind’ ethos.

and hard to reach groups is often politically and economically challenging.
This challenge is particularly acute in fisheries, which must create synergy between the often competing agendas of improving human well-being alongside sustainable use and protection of the marine environment (Costanza, Fioramonti, & Kubiszewski, 2016;Howe, Suich, Vira, & Mace, 2014). The contributions of the fisheries and marine conservation sector could, and should, reach beyond Goal 14 "Life Below Water" to engage with the Sustainable Development Goals more broadly. New thinking and innovation is required to achieve sustainable oceans, whilst also securing livelihoods and enhancing the well-being of the millions of people who depend on the sea for a living; capture fisheries and aquaculture provide direct employment for some 200 million people globally. Of these, women represent an average participation rate of almost 50% in fisheries activities, including full-and part-time fishing and post-harvest activities, with women accounting for 25%-50% of the small-scale fisheries catch (Harper, Zeller, Hauzer, Pauly, & Sumaila, 2013;World Bank, 2012). If statistics for gleaning and aquaculture were included, these figures could be higher (Weeratunge, Snyder, & Sze, 2010).
Whilst SDG 14 includes "access for small-scale fisheries to resources and markets" as one of its targets, the reality is that this often sits uncomfortably alongside parallel targets which are dominated by resource sustainability, conservation and protection. In light of unprecedented levels of environmental, economic and social change experienced throughout global fisheries, well-functioning family and community structures are crucial to building resilience to change and securing long-term survival of sustainable fisheries and those who depend upon them.
When applied to fisheries, the UN Sustainability ethos to place greater attention to the poorest and most vulnerable already fits well with growing arguments about the need for more thorough analyses of the complex causes of poverty in fisheries (Béné & Friend, 2011), including analyses of well-being (Coulthard, Johnson, & McGregor, 2011;Johnson et al., 2018) and the importance of gender in any approach (Harper et al., 2013). Whilst the significant role that women play in fisheries is increasingly recognized in the fisheries literature, the most recent research stresses the need to go beyond the discussion of women's roles per se, to address the broader "structures of discrimination," which hinder women's well-being and equality within the fisheries sector (Locke, Muljono, McDougall & Morgan, 2017:2;Weeratunge et al., 2010).
Drawing on a social well-being methodology, this paper begins by presenting empirical evidence which demonstrates the particular importance of good marital relations in women's self-assessments of well-being, and the significance of alcoholism and domestic violence on women living and working in fishing communities in Sri Lanka and India. The influence of marital relations over women's well-being is well documented in the literature, especially in the context of South Asia where this research took place. Structures of patriarchal power (Agarwal, 1988;Molyneux, 1985), gender inequalities, devaluation of women (Kabeer, 2005), unequal access to resources (Fisher & Naidoo, 2016) and Dowry Srinivasan & Bedi, 2007) are but some of the contextual factors used to explain high rates of domestic violence in South Asia, reported as being the highest in the world (WHO, 2013). However, this study of women's well-being in a fisheries context (all respondents were or had been married to fishermen) warranted further exploration as to some of the implications for fisheries governance, and in particular, marine conservation approaches which, in both study areas, restricted women's access to marine resources.
Utilizing existing theory on women's empowerment, gender equality and the importance of women's independent income on overall household well-being, we argue that if care is not taken, governance approaches which restrict access to marine resources can inadvertently undermine well-being and crucial coping strategies used by women to adapt to changing resource access. This is particularly problematic in households that experience alcoholism and domestic violence, where restricting access to vital marine resources risks placing already vulnerable women into greater harm.
In essence, this works directly against the UN mandate to prioritize the poorest, and conflicts with SDGs 1 to "end poverty" and SDG 5 to achieve "gender equality and empower all women and girls." We emphasize this point using a vignette of marine conservation from our India case-study.
We broaden the significance of these findings with a scoping review of the literature, which highlights cases of alcoholism and domestic violence reported in fisheries communities around the world. We theorize that these cases may be underpinned by the particular nature of fishing work, social relationships within the fishing community and the common stresses placed on marital relations in the home, stresses which may be growing as families struggle with uncertain fishing futures. Directly addressing the burdens of alcoholism and domestic violence in fisheries worldwide presents a new and under-utilized opportunity to improve well-being for fishermen and (fisher)women, especially those who are most vulnerable, contributing directly to the "leave no one behind" ethos. The paper concludes with tangible suggestions for all marine resource governors, an inclusive term which recognizes the plurality of different peoples who make decisions and influence how marine resources are used (Kooiman & Bavinck, 2013;Kooiman, Bavinck, Jentoft, & Pullin, 2005). This includes policymakers and practitioners who identify with marine conservation and fisheries management, but also extends to community leaders, boat owners and fishing families themselves, important actors within fisheries who harbour great potential to really tackle the type of social problems discussed in this article.

| E XPLORING SUBJEC TIVE WELL-B EING OF WOMEN IN FIS HING COMMUNITIE S
Social well-being has received growing recognition as a holistic and multidimensional framework and methodology capable of capturing the diversity of peoples' lives, with particular relevance to understanding how people engage with the natural environment (Daw et al., 2015), including fisheries (Coulthard et al., 2011;Voyer, Barclay, McIlgorm, & Mazur, 2017Weeratunge et al., 2014. We define social well-being following Gough and Allister McGregor (2007) Coulthard, Sandaruwan, Paranamana, and Koralgama (2014)). Whilst all three inter-related dimensions of well-being (material, relational and subjective) were studied, this article focuses on a subset of these data: the subjective dimension of well-being, as expressed by women.
Whilst men occasionally mentioned social problems such as alcoholism in the community, we focus here on the narratives of the women, as they give a more detailed insight into the impacts on home life, and reinforce an often marginalized perspective about how women think and feel about things that matter most to them.
Focusing on women's well-being in fishing communities is all the more significant given their recognized role in bringing up and shaping future generations of fishers (Gustavsson & Riley, 2018;Symes & Frangoudes, 2001;Thompson, 1985). As Neis, Gerrard, and Power (2013) note, a gender-blind and generationally blind approach to fisheries and marine resources has resulted, not only in missed opportunities for sustainability, but increased vulnerabilities and reduced resilience for many fisheries.
Research was conducted over an 8-month residential period in two villages located in Rekewa Lagoon in Sri Lanka and bordering the A total of fifty in-depth semi-structured interviews were conducted with women at both sites (Sri Lanka: n = 30, India: n = 20), all of whom were, or had been, married to fishermen, and with an age demographic ranging from 30 to 70 years. Interviews, which lasted up to 2 hr in length, explored women's subjective well-being (i.e. their own subjective evaluation of life domains they deem to be important for well-being). An adapted Global Person Generated Index (GPGI) facilitated discussion and ranking of self-nominated life domains (Camfield & Ruta, 2007;Coulthard et al., 2014). The GPGI tool asks respondents to nominate up to five areas (well-being domains) that they consider most important for their capacity to "live well" in their respective communities. For each domain, respondents are asked to explain their selection and to then score each using a Likert scale to indicate their level of satisfaction (where 1 represents "the worst you can imagine" and 5 represents "exactly as you would like it to be").
The GPGI was followed by a more in-depth interview, which asked respondents to explain their selection of domains and allocated scores, and encompassed several quality of life questions, which included asking about the happiest and most difficult times in their lives.
It was through this process that the importance of having a "good husband," often described as "one who avoids alcohol and violence," emerged as an important part of living well. The openness with which women spoke about close relationships, a topic notoriously difficult to research (Jha & White, 2016, 2016, is testimony to the interviewers' approach and patience. Both interviewers were women, fluent in the local languages (Tamil and Sinhala), and had spent significant time living close to the research village. It also speaks to the value of using open-ended questions. The approach avoided questioning about marital conflict directly, but empowered respondents to bring to the agenda the parts of their lives which they deemed to be the most important and that they felt comfortable to share, demonstrating the contribution of qualitative methodology in well-being research (Camfield, Crivello, & Woodhead, 2009;White, 2014). In most cases, the in-depth interviews were conducted during a second phase of the research and constituted part of a repeat visit to the household, which may also have helped establish rapport and trust.
Data from the two study sites were combined (Figure 1), due to similarities across the study areas, and given that our purpose here is to illuminate the significance of marital relations, alcoholism and domestic violence in women's lives, rather than to explore differences between sites. However, we also note and explain those well-being domains that are specific to each site in order to capture the influence of local context.
Well-being domains marked (SL) indicate those domains which were mentioned only by women in the Sri Lankan study and include "happiness of others," "religion" (living according to Buddhist teaching), "having nice clothes" and "owning a vehicle." The latter is particularly important to women in the Sri Lankan context due to the remote location of the village and the need for three-wheelers for local transport and the marketing of fish. Well-being domains marked (I) indicate India-specific domains and include specific mention of "dowry payments for a daughter's marriage" (in southern Sri Lanka, dowry is less prominent and marriage was discussed more generally in the context of children's happiness) and "Access to Islands," which captures a specific conflict over seaweed collection which is currently restricted by the Gulf of Mannar Marine Reserve status (detailed later in the paper). Access to islands (I) 13 Fishing equipment (boats, nets) 11 Free from debt 9 Good habits 8 Daughter's marriage (I) 7 Vehicle (SL) 6 Happiness of others (SL) 6 Religion (SL) 4 Nice clothes ( construction of well-being and explicitly conceives the production of well-being through interaction with others (White, 2015(White, , 2017. Whilst we acknowledge that our sample size is relatively small, Figure 1 shows the average satisfaction score that women gave to each nominated well-being domain. Areas of particular dissatisfaction (a score of 2 or less) include fishing equipment, access to islands (India), freedom from debt, daughter's marriage (India), access to a vehicle (Sri Lanka) and savings. Well-being domains of high satisfaction (4 or above) include public participation, clothing (Sri Lanka) and good neighbourly relations, demonstrating the important contribution of these domains to women's subjective well-being.
It is interesting to note that the average satisfaction scores for marital relations are lower than those scores allocated to family and neighbourly relationships (when analysed as separate cohorts, Indian average satisfaction with marital relationships drops further to 2 "Poor"). However, one must be wary of interpreting data based on the satisfaction scores alone. Limitations include accounting for "adaptation" where a person becomes accustomed to a poor situation over time and thus scores more highly than expected (Clark, 2012;Groot, 2000) and cultural taboos around so clearly stating dissatisfaction with a spouse's behaviour (Ravneet & Garg, 2010;White, 2014).
These underscore the importance of embedding the GPGI within an in-depth interview, and not as a standalone exercise. Furthermore, respondents were asked to nominate domains that were important for living well and, as such, the method may underreport domestic violence, compared with approaches which investigate its occurrence more directly. The sensitivities associated with research into domestic violence, and the common reluctance to discuss the topic for fear of reprisal, shame, stigma and social norms/ expectations are well documented Kaur & Garg, 2010).
In India, 45% of interviewees reported exposure to alcoholism, and 30% had experienced (physical) domestic violence, with similar levels reported in Sri Lanka (40% and 30%, respectively). In several interviews, women expressed that they were "fairly satisfied" with their marital relationships, but detailed aspects of violence later in the interview. In at least three of the interviews, women stated that they were now satisfied with their marital relationships following a past period of domestic violence, which they felt had improved following an intervention, often from extended family or the village council. Busby's (2000:196-199)  In a similar vein to Busby's study, one interviewee in Sri Lanka (SL 4) detailed frequent episodes of serious physical abuse following her husband's alcohol consumption, including being "chased away at knifepoint," but lamented that she was reluctant to leave him since "he is very good when he is normal (without alcohol)." As Jayasuriya, Wijewardena, and Axemo (2011:1098) comment, regarding the normalization of domestic violence in Sri Lanka, "When it is also believed that the man should be the 'boss', this creates a culture in which men are "allowed" to abuse alcohol or drugs and demonstrate their power over women, even in the form of overt violence".
These statements reveal something of the sensitivities and complexities of researching aspects of alcohol abuse and domestic violence, alongside the high occurrence with which women, at both sites, reported such problems. A regular association between being drunk and being violent was found throughout the study. All the interviewees who reported domestic violence also reported alcohol abuse, although a small proportion of women cited problems with alcohol without the associated violence (10% and 15% of respondents in Sri Lanka and India correspondingly). It is important here to consider the impacts of alcoholism on women's lives even for those who did not report domestic violence. The majority of interviewees describe the drainage that alcohol purchases cause on already limited household budgets, with many women relying on grown-up children or extended family for additional financial support, problems that are associated worldwide with alcoholism (Kennedy & Peters, 1992;Noponen & Kantor, 2004).
Alcoholism and domestic violence are recognized problems in the study areas which create significant barriers to well-being for women and men. Alcoholism is well known to be on the increase in South Asia (Franco, 2015) and, in India, it has become an important political issue, with central and state government parties advocating, and enacting, variations of alcohol bans throughout the country.
Alcohol prohibition policies are often accompanied by supportive protests from women, indeed are stimulated by them (BBC, 2016;Patnaik, 2004;Thekaekara, 2016) and have been shown to reduce reported incidences of domestic violence (in India) (Luca, Owens, & Sharma, 2015).
Clearly, these issues are not solely limited to fishing communities. However, when such problems appear prominently within fishing communities, marine resource governors must take these into account when developing management interventions and engaging with fishers in governance arrangements. The vignette presented in the next section illustrates how women's vulnerability can suffer when attention is not paid to gender and social well-being.

| MARINE CON S ERVATI ON UNDERMINING WOMEN ' S WELL-B EING -A VI G NE T TE FROM IND IA
In this research, the impacts of limiting access to marine resources on women's well-being were particularly stark in the India study, where collection of seaweed has been heavily restricted under legislation from the Gulf of Mannar National Park and Biosphere Reserve This research, conducted in one of the villages bordering the marine park, found that the "ability to access the islands" appeared frequently (65% of respondents) in women's top 5 most important criteria for "living well" (Table 1), and the domain scored one of the lowest satisfaction rates (average 1.8, where Poor = 2; and 1 = the worst you can imagine). Both men and women feel a strong attachment to islands often describing them as "a motherland" where they have spent time fishing, collecting seaweed and (in former times) residing on the islands for prolonged periods. Today, many women still travel to the islands to collect seaweed, which risks reprisal from the Forestry Department (the governing body for marine conservation legislation) in the form of monetary fines, gear and boat destruction or confiscation and general intimidation.
Seaweed collection, which is profitable relative to other work and requires little initial investment, secures financial autonomy for woman and is a significant income contribution to the household.
The importance of financial autonomy is well recognized in the literature on women's empowerment (Kabeer, 1999) and has proven to underpin family-wide well-being, through greater investment in child health (Mandal, Bhattacharjee & Banerjee, 2016), food security and education (UN, 2018 Nash's work on cooperative bargaining problems (see also Sen, 1999), Agarwal (2009) argues that owning property enhances a woman's bargaining power within the household and provides tangible exit options, and thus, a strong fall-back position should bargaining strategies fail. If we apply this theory to the context of women's access to marine resources, such as the seaweed resources in our India vignette, we reveal the true value of those resources for vulnerable women. Access to resources, understood as mediated both by legal rights and via structural and relational mechanisms (Ribot & Peluso, 2003), not only provides income-earning opportunities (softening the household impacts of alcoholism) but also enables financial autonomy and empowerment, which may (potentially) reduce the risk of domestic violence.
Additionally, in this case-study, women with good marital relations often describe going fishing with their husbands-either directly fishing (to contribute to household income) or to travel (via the family boat) to the islands to engage in seaweed collection. Women who live with an abusive partner are further disadvantaged since they have reduced opportunity to fish with their husband; 66% of women who reported domestic violence in the India cohort also commented how they were unable to fish with their husbands, as illustrated by This limitation not only reduces overall household income, but often means that women have to find their own means of travelling to the islands. This typically involves either paying 100Rs to travel in a collective boat (Vallum), which is costly, often poorly timed with low tides (when seaweed is exposed for collection) and less convenient, or to self-row in their husband's boat (when not in use) which involves a high-risk journey at sea. Several women in the village have drowned collecting seaweed on a rising tide, a risk exacerbated by poorly timed transport. Prior to the marine reserve legislation, women would remain on the islands to capture several low tides at a time-a more efficient and safer means of seaweed collection. This is now rarely done due to pressures from the Forest Department, in their attempts to enforce the exclusion zone.
In this case-study, women who are already vulnerable through abusive marital relationships are further disadvantaged by the island exclusion zone than those who, through healthier marital relations, are able to compensate for the loss of earnings by accompanying their husbands in the boat, either for fishing or via safe travel to the seaweed beds. The islands exclusion zone has undermined women's opportunities for resource access, and the financial autonomy this can create, and yet these can make a critical difference to women and children's well-being (Agarwal, 1994(Agarwal, , 2003. This case demonstrates how marine conservation measures can inadvertently further marginalize some of the most vulnerable people in a community-abused women. The final point to make in this case-study is the lack of recent evidence to verify concerns that collection of seaweed has a detrimental environmental impact. Women in this study strongly attest that they avoid damaging marine habitat during collection and that they have created and enforced informal regulations regarding the tools that can be used to harvest seaweed, and the number of harvest days which are limited and shared between different villages. To date, there have been no studies which explore whether seaweed from natural sources could be collected sustainably in the region (a much-needed topic for future research). The rationale for the exclusion zones seems motivated by biosphere reserve protocol, a technical "wholesale solution" to a "specialized problem" (Degnbol et al., 2006), which is blind to the nuanced ways that people engage with their environment (Ostrom, Janssen, & Anderies, 2007) and whose application has resolved only part of the (conservation) problem, whilst exacerbating other (social) problems. As Summit declaring seaweed cultivation as a "priority sector" and "sunrise industry" for India, following countries such as China, the world's largest producer of commercial seaweed. This is also enshrined in the first target for SDG goal 1 "End all poverty in all its forms," which is to: "ensure that all men and women, in particular, the poor and the vulnerable, have equal rights to economic resources, as well as access to basic services, ownership and control over land and other forms of property, inheritance, natural resources, appropriate new technology and financial services, including microfinance."

| MARINE RE SOURCE S AND THEIR CONTRIBUTI ON TO WOMEN ' S EMP OWERMENT-WHY RE SOURCE G OVERNOR S MUS T TAK E NOTE
Marine resource governance has an enormous role to play in meeting this target. One major contribution could be to pay This-and our earlier vignette-leads us to reemphasize the importance of marine resources where they underpin crucial coping strategies enabling vulnerable women perhaps not to "live well," but certainly to "live better," and gain some degree of independence, respect and self-worth, in situations where women remain in an abusive relationship.
Whilst in our India study, households were almost entirely dependent upon marine resources, it is important to note that often coastal households depend upon a mix of different income sources, and women may secure financial independence through different non-marine related activities, such as agriculture, small business and labour. Realization of the diversity and dynamics of "livelihood landscapes" (Mills et al., 2017) is an important step in establishing the extent to which women are dependent upon access to the sea, and how other activities compare in terms of accessibility, feasibility, preference and economic value.

| IMPLI C ATI ON S OF FIND ING S FOR MARINE RE SOURCE GOVERNAN CE WORLDWIDE
So far, this article has provided evidence from South Asia which illustrate some of the unforeseen and unexpected implications of marine conservation for vulnerable groups such as women living with alcoholism and domestic violence in their lives. In order to broaden the implications of our findings, we now question the extent to which social problems such as these are being reported in fisheries throughout the world, through a scoping review of the published literature. The scoping review was done using the terms: "alcohol" or "substance misuse" or "alcoholism" or "alcohol consumption" or "hazardous drinking" and "fishermen," "mariners" and "seafarers" during the years 1960-2017, using Google Scholar and SCOPUS search engines. We propose here a theoretical argument using insights from our study and wider literature around the types of characteristics that may make certain fisheries more vulnerable to high levels of alcoholism and domestic violence than others. These include ( First, the physically and mentally demanding nature of work due to the high levels of stress associated with uncertain catch and incomes, and high levels of personal risk whilst at sea, are common to all fishers. Fishing is known to be one of the highest risk peace-time occupations (Roberts, 2010). Research examining how occupational characteristics might contribute to Intimate Partner Violence against women, indicates that men with "dangerous occupations" are more likely to both exhibit violence (Melzer, 2002) and alcoholism (Pougnet et al., 2014); although it is a long-standing debate as to whether "high-risk" occupations attract problem drinkers or whether they create them as a result of work pressures (Plant, 1978). Either way, it may be logical to assume that higher levels of risk, uncertainty and danger in a particular occupation, including fishing, could be associated with higher levels of alcoholism. Additional data from this study (which also explored well-being amongst men) found that men commonly describe the need to drink alcohol following a fishing trip "as a release" from the physical and mental strains endured from fishing, captured in the below quote from a Sri Lankan fisherman:

Liquor addiction is a crucial factor that decides the direction of a fisher's life. Most of the fishers think liquor and
drugs are essential items for their lives. They justify it, as drugs and liquor are mental and physical pain killers.
They take liquor to forget their problems, but liquor and drugs decay their entire lives.
(Male fisherman, Sri Lanka #11) Bhondve, Mahajan, Sharma, and Kasbe (2013), in a study of Mumbai fishermen found that alcohol consumption was more common amongst fishermen who were stressed, with 31.8% blaming stress as the reason for alcohol use and 20.8% fishermen believing that alcohol increases work efficiency.
Second, successful fishing operations are heavily dependent upon good social relationships between fishermen (Acheson, 1981).
As Coulthard et al. (2014) describe, good relationships amongst crew members, between the crew and boat skipper, and between boat owners, all constitute important parts of a fisherman's well-being. Coulthard and Britton (2015) give an example from Northern Ireland, where a skipper gave up his fishing profession citing poor crew relations as a major reason. Drinking alcohol after a fishing trip is often done with other crew members (this study) and serves to establish and reinforce bonds whilst on land (Rix, Hunter, & Olley, 1982). Closely linked to this is a fisherman's individual status and reputation, where risk-taking (Acheson, 1981) and masculinity are highly valued attributes (Pollnac & Poggie, 2008;Power, 2008) which can-in some cultural contexts-underpin peer-pressure to drink alcohol collectively. Alcohol can play an important role in enhancing as well as disrupting social relationships. For instance, research from Nigeria, which reported significant alcoholism in fishing communities, demonstrates how fishermen clearly connect their habit to their occupational and community identity: We drink a lot of wine in this community because we are fishermen, and we live around the river. The area is usually very cold and we take a lot of hot drinks to keep ourselves warm. We drink very well… (Ediomo-Ubong, 2014 In addition to examples of socialized cultures of drinking, a greater risk of alcoholism can also be driven by exploitative work conditions, in particular, direct encouragement of excessive alcohol use and payment in alcohol by boat captains and owners (as was found throughout this study, see also Tunstall, 1962 andSetiawan &Patten, 2010). This exploitative arrangement encourages addiction and dependency on the boat owner and completely excludes women from receiving fishing-based income.
Third, strained marital relationships can result from the very nature of fishing work and can underpin a greater risk of alcoholism and violence . Fishing is an occupation strongly associated with masculinity, pride and sense of self-worth, and changes to traditional gendered family roles can be felt acutely at home. For example, long periods of time spent at sea can lead to frustrated re-negotiations over household roles and frayed relationships with spouses and children on return to land (Harper & Leicht, 2007). As Coulthard and Britton (2015) demonstrate in Northern Ireland, changing roles and identities within the home, particularly where women subsume the role of main income provider due to failing catches, place strains on marital relations and frequently instil a lack of self-worth amongst men (see also Kessler & McRae, 1982;Rosenfield, 1992). In their study, a majority of active fishers (59%) commented that they struggled to balance the demands of their work with the needs of their family, frequently reporting "marital strain," "poor relationships with children" and "feelings of isolation" as barriers to their well-being.
Finally, adverse socioeconomic conditions-which cause stress in themselves-can also create low self-esteem and insecurity amongst men, who then use violence as a "compensatory behaviour" , where traditional masculine identities are perceived as being threatened. This was clearly demonstrated by Bhattacharyya's, Bedi, and Chhachhi (2011) study of domestic violence in North India, where a large proportion of women felt violence (and drinking) is used by men to release stress, anger and frustration: out of the 52% of women who reported domestic violence during the course of their marriage, 31% of these attributed it to the "men's failure as a provider" and their "injured masculinity," as fuel for violence. As Kabeer (2005) comments in a more general sense: "For poorer men…the failure to fulfil their gender ascribed roles, to live up to social expectations about their capacity to protect and provide, can lead to consider-  (Hoang, Quach, & Tran, 2013). Given the economic and social stresses which are worsening in many fishing communities around the world, the impacts on social relationships within the fishing household and community deserve greater attention (Binkley, 1995;Locke et al., 2017;Nadel-Klein, 2000).

| CON CLUDING REMARK S
This paper has two key contributions. First, the research demonstrates the methodological value of researching well-being in a way that prioritizes what people themselves feel is most important. Our results support a growing area of research which argues the importance of social relationships in shaping human well-being and is evidence that a conversation around "living well" can illuminate both highlights and lowlights of people's lives, but does so in an empowering way which enables people to respond in their own words, and on their own terms. Our discussion of well-being amongst women in fishing communities in South Asia forms an empirical contribution to a growing theoretical debate as to the potential usefulness of a social well-being approach to marine resource management, in particular for assessing social impacts (Coulthard et al., 2014), and for managing environmental change in general Lange, Woodhouse, & Milner-Gulland, 2016;Milner-Gulland et al., 2014).
Second, this research illustrates the importance of understanding how men and women depend upon and access natural resources differently (Yang, Passarelli, Lovell, & Ringler, 2018). Our study from South Asia found that women living with aspects of alcohol and domestic abuse in their homes may have a much higher dependency on marine resources than women who have better marital relations.
Marine resources can serve as a critical lifeline, by enabling financial autonomy and empowerment, and increasing women's bargaining position within the household-factors which have been proven to reduce the occurrence of domestic violence. Our vignette illustrates the important role that marine resources can play in particular for women who live with abusive husbands and in households where alcoholism is a substantial drain on financial resources. Poorly informed management interventions can inadvertently place already vulnerable women into greater harm. As we noted earlier, we do not aim to generalize or stereotype all fishing communities as violent and alcoholic. We simply highlight that where these problems exist, there is an important opportunity for marine resource governors to engage with communities on these issues rather than to sidestep what may seem to be outside their traditional remit.
Echoing Agarwal's call for greater attention to women's property rights, we call here for more attention to the plight of women in fishing communities, particularly those experiencing significant environmental change in coastal areas and declining resource access. Whilst greater recognition of the economic contributions that women make to fisheries has been long promoted (Kleiber, Harris, & Vincent, 2015;Nadel-Klein & Davis, 1988;Thiessen, Davis, & Jentoft, 1992), we stress here the importance of recognizing the connectivity between women's well-being, marital relationships and access to marine resources. This seems to constitute an underplayed opportunity for marine resource governance to significantly contribute to Agenda 2030, by highlighting the ways in which the poorest and most vulnerable in fishing communities depend on marine resources, and taking steps to ensure such groups do not fall into further harm as a result of marine resource policy. Increased engagement with gender and social well-being enables marine resource governors to better understand the full extent of the social impact of management interventions and creates new opportunities to contribute to achieving the SDGs.
Examples of how marine resource governance could improve its contribution to the SDGs include supporting the development of counselling, including marital, in marine resource-dependent areas; alcoholism awareness initiatives; regulating and outlawing the payment of fisher crews using alcohol; and support to/ investment in the diversification and strengthening of women's access to sustainable and independent income sources. The latter requires a more detailed and nuanced understanding of how women's livelihood opportunities depended upon men in their households and wider community, and the implications this has for meaningful independence. Wherever possible, these efforts should be made through collaboration with existing organizations and charities already working in the field of social welfare, women's empowerment and domestic violence who will hold vital skills and local knowledge. Where marine resource access is to be restricted as part of a wider policy, the full impacts on families, especially where domestic violence and alcoholism are present, must be better understood and more explicitly considered in decision-making. Small changes to incorporate consideration of these, and broader social problems, have potential to foster greater local support for resource governance which becomes more aligned with peoples' well-being priorities. Doing so creates new opportunities for marine resource governance to contribute to the SDG ethos to leave no one behind, by placing the most vulnerable first.

ACK N OWLED G EM ENTS
This research was funded by the UK Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC); "Developing a social well-being approach for sustainable fisheries in South Asia" (WellFish project); grant reference no: ES/I009604/2. We are grateful to two anonymous reviewers for their detailed and constructive comments in the preparation of this manuscript.

DATA AVA I L A B I L I T Y S TAT E M E N T
The data that support the findings of this study are available from the corresponding author upon reasonable request.